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1.
Has civil society declined in the United States in the past 20 years? Multiple indicators suggest evidence for decline. This paper questions Robert Putnam's generational explanation for decline and suggests an alternative explanation, namely the structural economic transformation of the U.S. and how it has been managed. Individuals' perceptions of economic distress have increased since 1972 and are related to changes in indicators of civil society, including associational memberships, trust, anomia, and espoused racial and gay tolerance. Economic distress is also related to political interest and participation. Other consequences of an eroding civil society are discussed, including rising crime and inhibited economic productivity
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2.
二战后,中东国家进入社会发展的转型时期,目前处于矛盾集中爆发且极为动荡的"过渡政治发展阶段"。中东国家必须面对一系列既有来自外部也有自身发展无法回避的严峻挑战和重要任务。当前中东出现的政治危机大致分为三种类型,其产生既有多种现实动因,也有深层社会原因和外部势力的影响。政治危机已对中东各国政治发展产生了重大影响。中东国家已步入矛盾、危机多发期,下一次政治震荡可能会冲击中东君主制国家。 相似文献
3.
中东动荡历时一年多,导致该地区多国政权更迭,并迅速扩展到叙利亚,叙危机已成为这场动荡旋涡的中心.伊斯兰势力的崛起成为这些转型国家面临的严峻课题.动荡使中东地区格局面临新的调整,地区大国间矛盾和力量消长,将影响有关国家政局和热点问题走向.美国调整中东政策,深刻影响了地区局势走向.中国坚持“不干涉内政”原则,尊重有关国家人民自主选择的原则立场,得到国际社会理解和肯定.中东形势演变对中国中东外交带来重要机遇和严峻挑战,中国应审时度势,积极应对,谋求中国与中东国家关系的新发展. 相似文献
4.
中东变局是一场席卷阿拉伯世界的地区性政治与社会运动,它以发展民主、改善民生为其主要政治诉求,以推翻现政权为目标的政治抗议浪潮为其典型表现形式。中东国家的政治变革既有典型的共性特征,又有鲜明的差异性特点,同时有着深刻的政治、经济和思想文化根源。从未来的发展趋势看,民主化、世俗化以及如何处理与西方的关系问题构成了影响阿拉伯国家政治变革的三大核心议题,而阿拉伯国家、以色列、土耳其、伊朗四大力量的地位变化和地区热点问题的复杂化则成为中东地区格局变化的主要趋势。 相似文献
5.
SUMMARY Reducing inequity and strengthening civil society are both intrinsically related to peace building. This article outlines how social work and legal theory, coupled with an interdisciplinary practice framework, advance the development of community networks for the promotion of social rights as a medium for peace building in the Middle East. The combined effect of human rights advocacy, civic engagement, and the structuring and building of community, work to reduce inequality and promote civil society. Examples of interdisciplinary practice as implemented through the initiative of the McGill Middle East Program in Civil Society and Peace Building are presented. Finally, implications for interdisciplinary training for schools of social work are discussed. 相似文献
6.
2006年,巴以、黎以、伊拉克和伊朗核问题等中东四大热点问题交替升温,哈马斯、黎巴嫩真主党等伊斯兰激进势力不断壮大,美国、欧盟、俄罗斯等大国在中东地区的影响此消彼长。本文旨在总结中东整体形势,并对未来的中东局势进行展望。 相似文献
7.
作为上层建筑的转型,中东民主化受到了经济基础的制约,该地区依赖自然资源的经济模式、经济增长缓慢,既得利益集团的抗拒都对民主化形成阻障.只要这些阻碍民主化的经济因素不消除,中东民主化的前景仍不乐观. 相似文献
8.
作为上层建筑的转型,中东民主化受到了经济基础的制约。该地区依赖自然资源的经济模式、经济增长缓慢、既得利益集团的抗拒都对民主化形成阻障。只要这些阻碍民主化的经济因素不消除,中东民主化的前景仍不乐观。 相似文献
9.
Studies on transnational social movements in world risk society tend to emphasize their centrality and effectiveness as the result of two major transformations: the decline of the nation-state as a primary locus of power and sovereignty, and the rise of assertive civil societies' subpolitics. Drawing on the ‘Vanunu affair’ (the Israeli technician who was sentenced to eighteen years in prison for making public Israel's nuclear secrets), and the reactions it elicited at the local and global levels, the article analyzes the obstacles that may prevent the effective influence of anti-nuclear transnational social movements, and their difficulties in contributing to global framing. These obstacles are related mainly to the cultural politics of a ‘secret state’ that constructs national sovereignty, and mobilizes the local civil society, by means of nuclear secrecy and opacity. 相似文献
10.
国际体系正处于新旧交替的历史时刻,单极秩序在削弱,多极力量在崛起,中国成为新的世界秩序构建过程中的一支重要力量。在越来越深地融入国际体系的过程中,中国的外交理念与实践也发生变革。在大变革的时代背景下,中东地区政治格局也发生了变化。在外部势力影响有所减弱的情况下,多支力量兴起并日趋活跃。欧美等大国之间的关系演变及政策变化将对中东政治格局产生深远影响。中国的中东外交将变得更加积极和富有进取性,同时也更加重视多边合作及与欧美等大国的协调。 相似文献
11.
伊拉克战争是海湾战争后中东地区最重要的政治事件,它标志着美国中东战略正在发生重大转折.当前的美国领导层对美国在中东地区利益的认识发生了很大变化,意识形态色彩更为浓厚,推行民主成为关系到美安全核心利益.伊战打破了中东地区原有的力量平衡,战后的中东格局面临新一轮重组. 相似文献
12.
中东局势复杂多变,热点问题无一解决。布什政府面对中东困境了无良策,奥巴马执政后如何调整中东政策令人瞩目。欧洲与俄罗斯积极介入中东事务,与美既合作又争夺。阿拉伯国家面临多种冲击,但联合自强的愿望日渐增强。 相似文献
13.
This article uses examples of the experience I had in the field as an indigenous researcher in Turkey in order to problematize
claims to knowledge. I contend that for researchers who are positioned as relative “insiders,” whether indigenous or bicultural,
such aspects of the researcher identity as gender, class, professional and relationship status are made especially salient,
perhaps even more so in Middle Eastern contexts. I also argue that while indigenous status can be both empowering and restricting,
the insider/outsider position can be employed as a useful vantage point for “rethinking the familiar.” I discuss with examples
how this position informed my researcher role and my perspective on what is traditional. 相似文献
14.
东遏两伊,西促和谈是冷战后美国中东政策的重点,但每届政府的具体政策、措施有所差别。由于美国在处理中东事务中采取双重标准和偏袒态度,其中东政策在世纪之交陷入困境。911 事件对美国中东政策产生了重大影响,总的看,美国的中东政策正在作全面调整。 相似文献
15.
“伊斯兰劫持民主”这一民主化前景影响了美国在中东推动民主的热情,这似乎印证了民主化问题上的“中东例外论”。然而,伊斯兰教与民主的关系并非结构性冲突,二者对立关系的成因是西方和伊斯兰世界相互建构的共有的敌对观念。政治伊斯兰的分野和转型使不同派别对于民主的态度出现分歧,美国对政治伊斯兰党派态度的转变也有利于其民主化进程。 相似文献
16.
The role of civil society is vital for politicizing, contesting, and addressing human insecurity, yet there is very little
analysis of the ability of civil society actors to do so. Recent critical approaches to the concept have questioned the tendency
to view civil society as an unequivocal good, yet the majority of these critiques still focus on civil society at a global
level or on the enabling and disabling capacity of the state at the national level. This paper argues that civil society is
constrained not only by the state but by local government and other actors from within civil society. Identity politics, power
relations, and existing inequalities between and within communities affect the ability of formal and informal organizations
to contest the causes of insecurity. This paper examines the role of civil society in addressing gender-based insecurity in
the Indian state of Meghalaya to demonstrate the influence of these factors on civil society and concludes by arguing that
civil society is a much more dynamic and contradictory sphere than is often recognized by both advocates and critics. These
dynamics must be understood if the constraints on civil society are to be transcended.
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17.
中东拥有丰富的石油资源,但在世界能源市场上长期不能把握自身命运。后冷战时期,由于各种内外矛盾的牵制,中东在全球化和现代化进程中仍相对边缘化。美国控制石油的动机表白,与中东伊斯兰国家对此的理解相距甚远,与中东激进组织的解读更是大相径庭。涉及经济公平的石油利益,对中东伊斯兰国家造成了极大的物质和观念层面的压力,使中东乃至世界部分穆斯林倍感不满。 相似文献
18.
本文首先对中东热点问题的类型、影响,热点外交的基本概念进行了理论阐释。在此基础上,本文对中国中东热点外交的演变进行了历史回顾,对中国中东热点外交的核心理念、基本经验及其对中国外交创新的意义进行了总结和分析。 相似文献
19.
The aim of this article is to assist the understanding of social workers in Europe of marriage and family dynamics among women from Middle East and North African countries who have moved to Europe. The focus of this article is on husband selection processes and family dynamics after marriage in Egypt, which is used as a case study reflecting culture and norms surrounding marriage in this region. This article reports on the findings of doctoral studies which examined marriage patterns and family dynamics in North Africa and in particular in Egypt where more in-depth data were available. The authors reflect issues surrounding values and process of marriage not only in terms of the implications for practice with social work clients or service users, but also in relation to the potential of women from this region who may join the social care workforce. 相似文献
20.
This article examines the emergence and significance of religion among Eritreans in the United States as a basis for building community in diaspora, reconfiguring nationalist identity, and constituting transnational civil society. It argues three related points: that religious identity and gatherings help mitigate against fractured political identities that have weakened secular diaspora associations; that practicing Eritrean identity through religion challenges the hegemonic power of the Eritrean state to transnationally control diaspora communities and dictate national identity; and that the very incipience of religious bodies as transnational avenues provides Eritreans in diaspora with an autonomous space to resist the state's totalizing demands. Through a critical ethnographic investigation of religious identity and church bodies in Eritrea and one United States diaspora community, the article shows that uneven transnational networks between the United States and Eritrea create new spaces for political action. Specifically, the relative autonomy of churches and the incipience of their transnationalism allow diaspora Eritreans to use religion in the constitution of an emergent transnational civil society. 相似文献
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