十三世纪蒙古人强盛的动力机制

从历史哲学、法的精神和人类动机理论出发,可以看出蒙古人的个体动力机制及其打猎、游牧和战争这种生存方式的必然选择,而这种生存方式培育出了全民族的英雄精神.蒙古汗国建立之后,成吉思汗创造性地制定大法典,对蒙古社会的结构优化和调动全民族的开拓创新精神,注入了新的活力和动力机制.在诸多原因中,这些优化的动力机制是13世纪蒙古人强盛的最根本原因.后由于忽必烈不合法即位,践踏了成吉思汗大法典,导致蒙古汗国在政治上的分裂和元朝必然走向衰败.     

不只弯弓射大雕

正作为中国少数民族电影工程的重点项目,中美日合作拍摄的3D巨幕电影《成吉思汗宝藏》,于1月23日在内蒙古自治区鄂尔多斯成吉思汗陵举行了合作签约和启动仪式。对整个世界而言,成吉思汗是成功的代名词,又如学者们所评价的,成吉思汗是中华传统文化的精华,也是人类共有的精神财富。成吉思汗三子窝阔台大汗则这样评价他伟大的父亲:"既然一个人不可能从墓葬中重返人间,那么统治者关心的就不应该是拥有物质财富的多少,而应该是以自己     

论成吉思汗的伦理思想及其政治意义

论成吉思汗的伦理思想及其政治意义宝贵珍历史造就了成吉思汗。在蒙古社会历史变革的紧急关头，成吉思汗顺应了时代潮流和民心民意，建立了蒙古汗国，实现了蒙古各部落的统一，使崛起的蒙古族雄踞于大漠南北。他的成功不仅得益于其政治蹈略、军事智谋，也与他的伦理思想及...     

蒙古文学与成吉思汗

成吉思汗(1162-1227)是蒙古族历史上的伟大人物———政治家、军事家。同时他也是蒙古文学史上的特殊人物形象———永生不朽的传统人物形象。从文学史研究角度看,可以说成吉思汗形象是蒙古文学史上的一种文学现象。蒙古文学史上的成吉思汗从原型性艺术形象发展成为神化的成吉思汗形象和理想化的成吉思汗形象。成吉思汗形象植根于蒙古民族的成吉思汗崇拜文化,形成于蒙古人的成吉思汗崇拜心理,并具有时代性。     

成吉思汗祭祀仪式的变迁

成吉思汗祭祀是蒙古族祭祀文化的象征符号。近百年来,成吉思汗祭祀文化及其祭祀的文化空间和仪式发生了很大的变迁。在全球经济一体化之时,成吉思汗祭祀文化传统正成为一种人文资源,被用来建构产生在全球经济一体化中的民族政治和民族文化的主体意识,同时也成为当地的文化和经济发展的新的符号。文章以2000年成吉思汗龙年大祭的祭祀仪式为个案,描述了成吉思汗祭祀在当代语境下的传承及蒙古族对其传统文化符号的认同。     

拍出我们民族自己的巨片

拍出我们民族自己的巨片《一代天骄成吉思汗》（原名《成吉思汗和他的母亲》、《蒙古往事》）这部电影以恢宏的气势、史诗的规模再现了成吉思汗如何从一个心胸狭隘的凡人成长为一个能包容整个草原的历史巨人的人生过程，着重描写了在这个过程中起着重要作用的成吉思汗的母...     

从蒙金战争看成吉思汗的战略战术

史书称颂成吉思汗“深沉有大略,用兵如神”。这其中虽有某些溢美的成份,但却是对成吉思汗军事才能和指挥艺术的最好概括。特别是到了他的后半生,在攻金战争中,成吉思汗的雄才大略表现尤为突出、鲜明。其战略战术,与漠北统一战争时相比,又有了很大的     

蒙古族的早期信仰和成吉思汗的宗教政策

成吉思汗统一蒙古各部,纵横欧亚大陆,在政治上、军事上取得的胜利,主要有赖于当时的社会环境、成吉思汗本人的才干和他组织的强大军事力量。他的才干又具体表现在他所采取的方针、政策和策略中。其中,宗教政策是否妥当,在当时的历史条件下,对他的事业也关系颇大。本文仅就成吉思汗出生前后蒙古族的信仰和成吉思汗采取的宗教政策作一些粗浅的探讨。     

再论成吉思汗与"长生天"崇拜

本文从宗教学的观点出发,来探讨成吉思汗的“长生天”崇拜思想,主要论述了“长生天”崇拜思相的形成、主要内容,及其对成吉思汗和黄金家族的影响。     

"一言止杀"非真相

历史不是任人打扮的小姑娘,它自有真相.我们研究历史,要依据史实来厘清古人的行为,推演各势力、各阵营的活动,这样才能得出客观的评论.自大蒙古国成立伊始,成吉思汗在越来越大的范围内开始了抄掠、征伐和征服,过程不可谓不血腥.其后西征至此改变了世界格局.期间丘处机不惜万里奔赴西域,在觐见成吉思汗的时候建议不杀戮,终拯救了苍生.所谓的"一言止杀"如此神奇?在读过最初的记录及杨讷的考证分析后,可基本认定此说系后人冠戴,而不是历史的真相.     

明清之际回儒对话的特点及启示

在我国历史上,汉族儒家文化作为一种社会主流文化,也作为一种相对先进的封建文化,曾赢得过其他民族的广泛认可,并对他们的文化给予过各式各样的影响,由此不断地增进着我国各民族之间的文化一致性、共同性与亲缘性,这是产生中华民族之凝聚力的一个不能被忽视的历史现象。 回儒对话就是这个历史现象中的一部分。明末清初,正是回回民族意识形成的关键时刻,这时及后来,一批经儒兼通（或曰四教即伊斯兰、儒家、佛和道兼通）的回回伊斯兰学者如王岱舆、马注、刘智和马德新等,在致力于汉文伊斯兰文化译著的同时,也开启了回儒之间长达几个世纪的对话之门。     

韦皋与唐代南方丝绸之路的重开

Weigao was one of the famous Jie-dushi ( regional military commissioners ) of the Jiannan Xichuan ( located in today’s southern Si-chuan) in the Tang Dynasty. During the rule of Wei Gao, he successfully defeated the Tubo, and changed the Tang court’s submissiveness in the southwestern region and the fight between the Tang and Tubo along the southern line. He also restored the links between Yunnan and Xichuan including all the way to the Central Plains, and, as a result, the once closed Southern Silk Road was reopened. A further exploration and evaluation of Wei Gao’s actions and his influence on reopening the Southern Silk Road ought to be given. I. Wei Gao’s Alliance with the Nanzhao King-dom and Reopening the Southern Silk Road In 785 A. D. , Wei Gao arrived in Chengdu and was appointed Jiedushi of Jiannan Xichuan. The situation of Jiannan Xichuan at that time was very critical. After the Tianbao war, the Kingdom of Nanzhao, which had unified the area around Er-hai Lake with the support of the Tang in the past, turned against the Tang and publicly announced its alliance with the Tubo. The Nanzhao Kingdom, to-gether with the Tubo, struck the Tang in the south-western region. This shift not only put the Tang in a submissive position in the southwestern region, but also significantly influenced the relations be-tween the Tang and the Tubo. As the Jiedushi of Jiannan Xichuan, Wei Gao became a unique practitioner and actively promoted a joint strategy in Yunnan. After the Tang decided to make an alliance with the Nanzhao Kingdom, relevant actions were taken immediately. However because relations between the Nanzhao Kingdom and the Tang had been broken for many years, at the beginning, Wei Gao could only communicate through some of the tribal chiefs of the Dongman ( Eastern Barbarians) . Through several years of ef-fort and mutual contact, Wei Gao’s endeavors to make an alliance with the Nanzhao, at last, were effective. Wei Gao’s efforts to make an alliance with the Nanzhao certainly involved issues related to trans-portation between Xichuan and the area of Erhai Lake. During that period, the route between Xi-chuan and Nanzhao was not only under military threat from the Tubo, but it was also overseen by the tribes of the Dongman who supported the Tu-bo—this indicated that the line of communication was not in a normal situation. The Southern Silk Road was one of ancient China’s important land trade routes to overseas. In looking at relevant re-cords in the Shiji ( Records of the Historian ) , we can see that this route had been known by people in the Central Plains from at least the Qin and Han dynasties. It was called the“Shushen Dudao” dur-ing the Han dynasty, and the “Xi’er Tianzhu zhid-ao” in the Taizhong period of the Tang dynasty.“Xi’er” refers to Erhai Lake, which was called“Xi’er He” during that time; “Tianzhu”, i. e.“Shendu”, refers to present day India. Since the Qin and Han dynasties, there were two primary routes between Xichuan and the area of Lake Er-hai. One was the Shimendao, also called the Wuchidao or Rongzhoudao, which started from present Chengdu and went through present day Le-shan and Yibin. The other was the Qing Xidao, also called the Lingguandao, Songzhoudao or Qiongnan Yilu,which, started from present Cheng-du, and went through present day Ya’an, and Xichang. These two routes were also called the“North Route” and the“South Route” in the Yun-nan Zhi ( The History of Yunnan) compiled by Fan Cuo in the Tang Dynasty. These two were the main routes between Sichuan and Yunnan on the South-ern Silk Road in the Tang dynasty. In 794 A. D. , the Tang and the Nanzhao Kingdom swore an oath of alliance, and Wei Gao started his plans to reo-pen the routes. By making a comprehensive analy-sis of relevant historical records, we are certain that starting with a plan in the 8th century, and fol-lowing the realization of the alliance between the Tang and Nanzhao as part of the strategy for the Southwestern area, and, together with the success in the fight against the Tubo, the two main chan-nels between Sichuan and Yunnan on the Southern Silk Road were reopened as a result of the concern of Wei Gao at the beginning of the 9th century. II. The Basic Situation of the Route between Sichuan and Yunnan on the Southern Silk Road in the Tang Dynasty and Its Historical Significance It was a long way from Xichuan to the area of Lake Erhai, and, moreover, the situation was also very complicated. Whenever the North Route or the South Route opened, it was not something that was completed immediately; it was a process. Al-though some sections of the road might be comple-ted initially, the opening of the entire route could not be completed within a short time. Through the records of Fan Cuo in his Yunnan Zhi, we can glean a general understanding of the basic situation regarding the reopening of the two main routes be-tween Sichuan and Yunnan along the Southern Silk Road in the Tang Dynasty. Seen from the records of Fan Cuo, there were courier stations along the South Route, so that travelers and their horses could have services and accommodation. It is very significant to note that in addition to the records of courier stations along the route managed by the Xichuan administration, the Yunnan Zhi also recorded that special translators were arranged for facilitating the contact and ex-change between the two sides, i. e. Xichuan and Nanzhao, after the route reached Ezhunling. This detail reflected Xichuan’s attention to the manage-ment of this route, but it also reflected the frequent contact between the people from the two sides of this route and the need for better communication. The road which started from Ezhunling was man-aged by the Nanzhao Kingdom. The situation of the North Route was quite different from the South Route. Based upon an analysis of the records found in the Yunnan Zhi, along the north route, there were not only high mountain, steep slopes, and winding roads, but the traveler also had to pass through many areas inhabited by the Wuman (Black Babarians). So, people were able to pass through the stations only after their words had been translated three or four times. Generally speaking, the conditions along the North Route were worse than those along the South Route. Therefore, al-though the reopening of the South Route was later than the North Route, people usually chose to pass through the South Route after it was reopened. It should be mentioned here that although Fan Cuo’s Yunnan Zhi was compiled during the early years of Xiantong Period in the Tang dynasty, the situation along the route and courier stations recorded in the book were probably not much different from those along the route during the time of Wei Gao. Al-though more than half a century of time had passed the road and courier stations along the South and North Routes might have only had some minor changes, and it was probably generally the same as in the past. Moreover it was unblocked for a long term due to the concern of the both sides. Another point that should be noted here is that although both the South and North Routes connecting Si-chuan and Yunnan on the Southern Silk Road in the Tang dynasty were managed by the administra-tions of Xichuan and Nanzhao separately, seen from the close relations and common demands of the two sides, the construction and management of these two important routes were combined through the negotiation of the two sides’ considerations and demands. As the major supporter for making the alliance with Nanzhao, Wei Gao should be the one who played an active role in this process. Because of the alliance between the Tang and the Nanzhao Kingdom the Tubo suffered a setback in the southwestern region, and they gradually re-treated to the north. Under this scenario, the channels of communication between Sichuan and Yunnan were unblocked, and communication be-tween the envoys from the Tang and Nanzhao be-came more frequent, the local trade developed, and the number of businessmen traversing Sichuan and Yunnan increased. Seen from the perspective of the development of Nanzhao, the frequent ex-changes between the artisans and traders from the two sides via the South and North Routes that ran between Sichuan and Yunnan promoted the eco-nomic and commercial development of Yunnan. In addition, there were many ethnic groups in the Nanzhao Kingdom. These included the Wuman, and Baiman ( white barbarians) . For several dec-ades,“more than a thousand” people from differ-ent ethnic groups went to Chengdu to study. This reflected that the reopening of the Southern Silk Road during the Tang dynasty played an important role in cultural transmission. On the other hand, training youth from the different ethnic groups liv-ing in the Nanzhao Kingdom also had a deep influ-ence on the cultural development of Yunnan. More important is that this action enhanced the commu-nication between the ethnic groups of Yunnan and the Central Plains. In addition, after reopening the road between Sichuan and Yunnan on the Southern Silk Route, the road continued through Nanzhao territory, crossed into the Myanmar-India route, and arrived in South and Southeast Asia. It could be said that Wei Gao’s reopening of the Southern Silk Road was not only helpful for communication between the people of Xichuan, the Central Plains and Yunnan, but it was also helpful for communi-cation between the Tang and the countries of South and Southeast Asia. It should be mentioned that Wei Gao’s reope-ning of the Southern Silk Road was conducted with-in the framework of an alliance with the Nanzhao Kingdom to attack the Tubo. Hence, speaking truthfully, reopening the road was not the main re-sponsibility of the Jiedushi of Xichuan, and was al-so not his main strategic goal. Under the serious situation faced by Jiannan Xichuan, Wei Gao’s main focus during that time was how to contact and make an alliance with the Nanzhao Kingdom so as to take military action against the Tubo. Even if he planned to reopen this road and took some action, it was conducted by targeting his military strategic action. However, reopening the Southern Silk Road could not be separated from the action of making an alliance with the Nanzhao Kingdom. Moreover, after reopening this road, it really pro-moted economic -cultural exchange and develop-ment along the road. Hence, we should give a full understanding and evaluation on Wei Gao’s histori-cal role in it.     

东北地区渔猎文化略论

本文从分析渔猎文化的内涵入手,把中国东北地区的渔猎文化分为五种类型:大河捕鱼型、森林骑马狩猎型、森林徒步狩猎型Ⅰ(以雅库特鄂温克人为主体)、草原狩猎型和森林徒步狩猎型Ⅱ(以汉、满、朝鲜等民族为主体)。本文着重分析了“北方渔猎文化带”,这条文化带从大兴安岭中段开始,沿大兴安岭和嫩江,从西南向东北,一直延伸到大兴安岭西北坡和东北段,然后折向东南,沿伊勒呼里山、小兴安岭和黑龙江,最后,到黑龙江、松花江和乌苏里江三江汇合处。最后本文还探讨了东北渔猎文化与游牧文化和农耕文化之间的关系。     

"男主女从":必须扬弃的等级观——《布洛陀经诗》的性别哲学研究之三

《布洛陀经诗》虽然包含"阴阳合德"等合理因素,但从其宗教神灵观的主要特征,以及在角色定位上的主导思想、在价值评价上的主流意识等方面来看,"男主女从"的等级特征都较为明显。这种等级观体现了壮族性别哲学和壮族传统文化的某些糟粕,是我们在寻求性别和谐发展之道时所必须给予剔除和扬弃的。     

中国共产党第三代领导集体关于民族团结的理论和政策 --中国共产党第三代领导集体民族理论研究之六

中国共产党第三代领导集体关于民族团结的理论和政策的基本观点包括加强民族团结是马克思主义的一个重大原则;民族团结是马克思主义民族观的基本内容之一,是与资产阶级民族观区别的根本标志之一;加强民族团结是各民族人民的共同愿望和根本利益所在,是我国民族工作的一项根本任务,是我国整个社会主义初级阶段民族工作的行动纲领之一;我国各民族维系于一个统一的大家庭中有三个纽带为了加强民族团结要反对两种民族主义;要坚持开展民族团结进步宣传教育活动;要建立妥善处理影响民族团结的有效机制,等等.     

试论鄂温克族人与动物婚配型神话的结构模式

猎人与动物婚配型神话是鄂温克族神话体系中的重要组成部分。本文对其结构模式的类型、结构要素进行分析,指出人与原型动物婚配型、人与半人半兽动物婚配型、人与人形动物婚配型是鄂温克族猎人与动物婚配型神话的三种结构模式。     

北宋神哲时期对西北蕃部的民族立法

宋神宗、哲宗时期.随着熙宁、绍圣的开边拓土,蕃汉民族交往日益增加.土地关系、民族关系以及新旧归附区社会稳定等诸多新问题接踵而至.为了保障西北边疆政策的顺利贯彻,政府强调运用法律手段加强对西北蕃部的治理,先后制定了一系列针对西北蕃部各族的民族法律法规.它的制定、颁布和实施.对于处理西北边地各族矛盾和纠纷、打击西北缘边各种违法犯罪活动.促进西北蕃部民族稳定和社会发展起了重要作用.     

辽代燕云地区佛教文化探论

辽代燕云地区崇佛信教者不分民族(汉、契丹均有)、不分阶层(贵族、平民均有)、不分性别(有男也有女),呈现出普及性和大众化的趋势;广大僧俗信徒组邑社、建寺庙塔幢、刻经讲经,佛事活动呈现多样性和繁复化倾向;佛教流派以密宗为主,并吸纳其他宗派教义“有用”成分及契丹原始萨满教中与密宗教义相类部分,同时杂采西域和中原佛教,文化内涵呈现兼容性和地域化特征。辽代燕云地区佛教文化之所以出现繁盛景象,尽管成因错综复杂,但却有它的客观性和必然性,主要与唐及五代两次灭佛、契丹皇帝支持、社会民众需求及经济利益驱动有关。     

辽代籍没法考述

籍没法是辽代法律中的一项重要制度,在司法实践中占有重要地位。它的适用范围虽然较广,但主要则是谋反、谋叛、谋害重臣等所谓“反逆”之罪。籍没对象不但包括家产奴婢,也包括家属亲属。被籍没者多成为帝王、群臣、将校的私人奴婢,其中斡鲁朵及皇室近侍杂役使用的籍没奴隶最多。为加强管理,籍没奴隶中也设官分职,其管理机构为著帐郎君院和著帐户司。辽代籍没法的上述内容,均表现出了契丹民族所建王朝的民族特色。     

1900年内蒙古中西部地区的反洋教运动

1900年之前,天主教、基督教在内蒙古中西部地区的迅速传播既与它们自身所具有的优点有关,也和在发生民教、蒙教冲突时它们能够获得列强的保护有关。教会虽然赢得了巨大的发展,但也大大冲击了该地区旧有的利益格局,因此在1900年这里的反洋教运动中,成为众矢之的,遭受了极为惨重的损失。