Nationalism, Charisma, and Plebiscitary Leadership: The Problem of Democratization in Max Weber's Political Sociology

Max Weber has typically been regarded as a central thinker in the liberal tradition of social analysis. At the same time, critics have long noted how his democratic commitments were compromised by his nationalism. Drawing on existing criticism, I discuss the importance of charismatic leadership in Weber's thought and its implications for his understanding of the process of democratization. Reconstructing core concepts in Weber's political thought, I analyze how Weber's concept of plebiscitarian leadership unites charismatic domination with nationalism and skepticism concerning effective democratic politics. I show how Weber's concept of plebiscitarian rule grew from deeply held political values and his engagement with German politics. I then generate propositions regarding the problem of democratization in regime transitions and apply them to contemporary charismatic leaders and ethno-nationalist mobilization in post-Communist transitions. I argue that as much as it anticipates the central dilemma of charismatic solutions to political crisis, Weber's thought favors nationalist and plebiscitarian responses to democratization that have been largely discredited by historical experience.     

LIFESTYLE OR LEBENSFUHRUNG?

Max Weber's concept of Lebensführung was inappropriately translated as "lifestyle" in the two major English-language translations of his work. The result is that Weber's distinctly different terms " Lebensführung " (life conduct) and " Lebensstil " (lifestyles) have the imprecise and singular meaning " lifestyle " in Anglo-American literature. Translated literally, Lebensführun means life conduct and refers to choice and selfdirection in a person's behavior, not lifestyles. Consequently, Lebensführung is the element of choice within Weber's overall concept of Lebensstil (lifestyles) and joins with Lebenschancen (life chances) as one of Lebensstil's two basic components. To use Lebensführung to mean simply lifestyles overlooks the depth of Weber's thinking on the subject.     

The contagion of democracy through international networks

Work on democratization typically considers the diffusion of democracy through interstate partnerships. However, such partnerships constitute complex networks that scholars have yet to fully explore as vectors for the spread of democracy. We develop a network theory of democratization which characterizes these networks as epistemic communities that influence elites’ attitudes towards favorable regime types. Our theory predicts, and our empirical strategy confirms, that direct and indirect ties in the alliance network are vectors for democratization. In contrast to conventional wisdom, we find that direct influence is only transmitted through the defensive alliance network and find evidence of higher-order effects.     

Processes and Mechanisms of Democratization

Unlike Artistotle's analysis, recent treatments of democratization identify pathways and propose necessary conditions but fall short of specifying cause-effect relations. Democratization does not follow a single path, and is unlikely to have universally applicable necessary or sufficient conditions. A political process analysis of democratization defines it as movement toward broad citizenship, equal citizenship, binding consultation of citizens, and protection of citizens from arbitrary state action. High levels of all four elements depend on a significant degree of state capacity. Democratization emerges from interacting changes in public politics, categorical inequality, and networks of trust, which in turn depend on specifiable mechanisms of change in social relations. When the shocks of conquest, confrontation, colonization, and revolution promote democratization, they do so by accelerating the same causal mechanisms. The next round of research and theory on democratization requires identification, verification, and connection of the relevant causal mechanisms.     

Effects of Global Democracy on Women's Reproductive Health: 1970–2005, Cross-World Analysis

ABSTRACT

Despite many trends that have been commonly assumed to enrich societal well-being, this article posits that in addition to benefits there are also costs associated with democratization. This article comparatively analyzes the effects of democratic transition on women's health in democratizing well-developed as compared with developing countries across the world. Considering the junction of positive and negative outcomes of democratization, the author argues that to women the costs of democratization are much more substantial than to men because their societal roles are less valued and life for most women is centered at home and, hence, is not considered to be of public concern. Thus far, democratization's costs to women have been largely overlooked, not only in terms of economic opportunities but also in terms of their impact on women's health. These costs cannot be ignored as they limit women's empowerment and endanger national health.     

The social bordering of lifestyle sports: inclusive principles,exclusive reality

Lifestyle sports are created and maintained through global youth cultural representations disseminated by many current media channels. Lifestyle sports attract young people due to their images of sociality, joyful creativity, speed and excitement, urban exoticism and their subcultural distinction from mainstream sports. This distinction is maintained with claims of social and cultural openness. Through a case analysis conducted for a research project we asked: How open are lifestyle sports communities and to whom? Who can take part in the subcultural world of lifestyle sports? What kinds of structural or personal attributes connected with individuals restrict certain young people's participation in this world? The research material consists of qualitative and quantitative data collected among skateboarding, longboarding, parkour and roller derby practitioners in Finland. Seeking answers brings researchers to the classical sociological background variables and their intersections: gender, ethnicity, sexual orientation, disability and socioeconomic status. In lifestyle sports, these categorisations are linked with physical skills as subcultural symbolic capital, which is central in the exclusive and inclusive practices in lifestyle sports communities. Despite the inclusive principles that lifestyle sports practitioners emphasise, the ideal lifestyle sport practitioner seems to be represented by hegemonic masculinity, muscular strength and agility symbolising sporting abilities.     

Toward a critical sociology of lifestyle migration: reconceptualizing migration and the search for a better way of life

This article places under critical and reflexive examination the theoretical underpinnings of the concept of lifestyle migration. Developed to explain the migration of the relatively affluent in search of a better way of life, this concept draws attention to the role of lifestyle within migration, alongside understandings of migration as one stage within the ongoing lifestyle choices and trajectories of individual migrants. Through a focus on two paradigms that are currently at work within theorizations of this social phenomenon – individualization and mobilities – we evaluate their contribution to this flourishing field of research. In this way, we demonstrate the limitations and constraints of these for understanding lifestyle migration; engaging with long‐standing debates around structure and agency to make a case for the recognition of history in understanding the pursuit of ‘a better way of life’; questioning the extent to which meaning is made through movement, and the politics and ethics of replacing migration with mobilities. Through this systematic consideration, we pave the way for re‐invigorated theorizing on this topic, and the development of a critical sociology of lifestyle migration.     

中东民主化进程：一个政治经济学的视角

作为上层建筑的转型，中东民主化受到了经济基础的制约。该地区依赖自然资源的经济模式、经济增长缓慢、既得利益集团的抗拒都对民主化形成阻障。只要这些阻碍民主化的经济因素不消除，中东民主化的前景仍不乐观。     

中东民主化进程:一个政治经济学的视角

作为上层建筑的转型,中东民主化受到了经济基础的制约,该地区依赖自然资源的经济模式、经济增长缓慢,既得利益集团的抗拒都对民主化形成阻障.只要这些阻碍民主化的经济因素不消除,中东民主化的前景仍不乐观.     

IS THERE SUCH A THING AS AN ONLINE HEALTH LIFESTYLE?

The purpose of this paper is to examine the use of the Internet for health-related purposes and whether this usage is part of larger pattern of health-promoting behaviors, or health lifestyle. Pierre Bourdieu's concept of habitus provides the key theoretical concept that links health lifestyle and the digital inequality framework to explain how social conditions (i.e. social status and quality of Internet access) influence attitudes and behaviors. Path analysis is used to examine the relationship between key endogenous variables on attitudes, health behavior, health status, and online health-related activities, while controlling for demographics and other factors. Data comes from the National Cancer Institute's 2007 Health Information National Trends Survey. The results demonstrate that online health behaviors can be usefully conceptualized as elements of health lifestyle. The combination of health lifestyle and digital inequality provides a broader theoretical framework that highlights the importance of social conditions to influence people's Internet habitus and routine health-promoting behaviors. The combination of health lifestyle and digital inequality provides a useful theoretical framework for future research investigating persistent social disparities in health and the potential for the growing reliance on information and communication technologies to contribute to socially patterned health outcomes.     

欧美在中东民主治理上的分歧与合作

欧美在中东展开的民主治理是各自全球治理的重要组成部分,双方成为在中东实施民主治理的两个最大国际行为体,尽管它们对民主的侧重点、伊斯兰与民主关系、中东战略地位以及中东民主化的主导权等方面虽有不同认知,但对民主和中东民主的必要性与有效性存在相同认知,深究其因,双方中东民主治理的差异源于欧美所处的历史阶段、发展起点与路径以及利益攸关地区的根本不同.只有打破将西方视作铁板一块的旧有观念,才能对中东与欧美在民主等问题上的关系产生更理性的认识.     

Can the Concept of Lifestyle Migration be applied to Return Migration? The Case of Estonians in the UK

This article makes the case for using the concept of lifestyle migration to understand return migration. The key argument is that there are several advantages for engaging with lifestyle migration literature when analysing people's return, of which the prime reason is to draw attention away from the affective and emotional aspects of return migration and view it as a conscious decision related to future planning. A combination of statistical data and interviews with highly skilled Estonian migrants in the UK shows how the return of these migrants is often related to moving from one life stage to another. In the conscious process of planning for a family, several aspects related to both countries were evaluated and the return was often explained as benefitting the (potential) family. The article also claims that there is a need for lifestyle migration research to engage more actively on interlinkages between lifestyle and life stage.     

Inequality, Democratization, and De–Democratization

Reversions from democratic to undemocratic regimes have often occurred historically and continue to occur frequently. Both increases in categorical inequality across a regime's subject population and declines in the insulation of public politics from categorical inequality tend to de–democratize regimes. A general account of democratization and de–democratization yields a series of conjectures concerning the processes by which changes in categorical inequality threaten democracy.     

Relationship among lifestyles,aging and psychological wellbeing using the General Health Questionnaire 12-items in Japanese working men

Introduction.?The relationship among lifestyle, aging and psychological wellbeing was evaluated in Japanese working men.

Methods.?Self-administered questionnaire on six lifestyle factors and the General Health Questionnaire 12-item version (GHQ12) were administered to 3306 male workers. Health practice index (HPI) was calculated as a desirable lifestyle score by summing up each binary lifestyle score (0, 1), ranging from 0 to 6. To check validity of the study outcome, the authors repeated twice with 1 year interval. HPI was categorised into three groups by the score of 0–2, 3–4 and 5–6.

Results.?The number of subjects categorised by HPI was 532, 1967 and 807, respectively. The mean value of GHQ12 significantly decreased as the HPI increased by adjusting age. Multiple regression analysis was conducted to predict GHQ12 by six lifestyle scores, and age, sleep, night snacking and exercise were significantly related to GHQ12. Multiple logistic regression analysis was conducted and age in 50s, two-shift work, sleep, night snacking and exercise were significantly associated with GHQ12.

Conclusion.?Although cause–effect relationship cannot make clear, some of desirable health practices and aging were closely related to psychological wellbeing judged by GHQ12.     

Self-interests and group-interests in employee involvement programs: A case study

What happens in a unionized setting when a participatory management system is adopted? This question is examined based on a field study of a union manufacturing facility that has been operating under a gainsharing system for four years. As suggested by the political science literature on transforming political systems from authoritarian rule to democracies, the events resemble a complicated chess game among management, union officers, and union members pursuing their self-interests or group-interests during and after the transitional process. Although gainsharing bonuses have been minimal, the democratization of organizational structures and relationships has generated multiple beneficial organizational and individual outcomes for management and union members.     

欧美在中东民主治理上的分歧与合作

欧美在中东展开的民主治理是各自全球治理的重要组成部分,双方成为在中东实施民主治理的两个最大国际行为体,尽管它们对民主的侧重点、伊斯兰与民主关系、中东战略地位以及中东民主化的主导权等方面虽有不同认知,但对民主和中东民主的必要性与有效性存在相同认知,深究其因,双方中东民主治理的差异源于欧美所处的历史阶段、发展起点与路径以及利益攸关地区的根本不同。只有打破将西方视作铁板一块的旧有观念,才能对中东与欧美在民主等问题上的关系产生更理性的认识。     

Lifestyles,and Risk Perception Consumer Behavior

In this article, the concept of lifestyle is traced to its early roots in personality psychology and in marketing. In the latter field, many commercial marketing firms have made strong claims as to the explanatory power of lifestyle dimensions, often based on procedures which have been kept secret, but researchers have seldom been able to verify such claims. In spite of this, the approach is very popular, has wide credibility and is often given very favorable media coverage. Probably because of this, it is often considered as a very important and promising approach by administrators working with the regulation of risk and risk communication. It may also be credible in some quarters because it affords a way of ‘explaining’ risk perception as being non-rational. In this paper, we give results from an empirical study of nuclear waste risk perception which is related to a basic risk perception model and three approaches to lifestyles: Kahle's List of Values, a Swedish adaptation of the ‘Agoramétrie’ approach suggested by a group of French researchers, and Dake and Wildavsky's Cultural Theory dimensions. It was found that nuclear waste risk perception could be modeled successfully with risk attitudes and perception data (basic model about 65% of the variance explained), but that lifestyle dimensions added virtually nothing to the explanatory power of the model. Lifestyle dimensions in isolation only explained a minor part of the variance.     

Liberalism,Postmaterialism, and the Growth of Freedom

An influential analysis by Przeworski and Limongi (1997 Przeworski A Limongi F (1997) ‘Modernization: Theories and facts’ World Politics vol. 49 pp. 155–183  [Google Scholar]) argued that a pro-democratic culture may help existing democracies survive, but political culture does not contribute to the process of democratization, which is entirely done by elites. We challenge this conclusion, arguing that it neglects the very nature of democratization. For (as Human Development theory argues), democratization is a liberating process that maximizes human freedom by establishing civil and political rights. Consequently, the aspect of political culture that is most relevant to democratization is mass aspirations for freedom – and if a given public emphasizes these values relatively strongly, democratization is likely to occur. To test this thesis, we use data from the Values Surveys, demonstrating that a specific component of postmaterialism (‘liberty aspirations’) had a major impact on the extent to which societies gained or lost freedom during the Third Wave of democratization. This effect holds up in tests of Granger causality, remaining strong when we control for prior levels of freedom. No other indicator, including GDP/capita and social capital, can explain away the impact of liberty aspirations on democratization. Mass liberty aspirations play a role in democratization that has been greatly underestimated.     

Der Hawthorne-Effekt – ein Effekt für viele Gelegenheiten?

It is shown that the concept of ?Hawthorne effect‘ was created many years after the Hawthorne studies in Western Electric Company. Presently, the ?Hawthorne effect‘ concept is increasingly used in social sciences and many other sciences. The concept is however used in different and occasionally digressive meanings. The question arises whether such a concept is useful at all. In addition, it is discussed why the rather imprecise reports of single Hawthorne field experiments have been spread as academic folklore, and why rather undefined concepts like the ?Hawthorne effect‘ are used so widely in psychology and social sciences.     

Overcoming the ownership dilemma: Contributing to peace and democracy in El Salvador and the Philippines

El Salvador and the Philippines have had relatively successful democratization processes and decades of sustained international support, but continue to experience high levels of violence from non‐state actors that prevent or delay the consolidation of democracy. How has international support helped or hindered these processes? This article finds that frequently donors and local stakeholders are vulnerable to the “ownership dilemma.” External donors often focus on strengthening state institutions rather than promoting inclusiveness. This is often the result of institutional capture by local elites that are reluctant to pursue structural reforms. While external support rarely has the influence to decisively shape processes of democratic consolidation, the analysis finds that windows of opportunity may emerge and assist in deepening support for consolidation.