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1.
This article evaluates the political effectiveness of the Gramscian-style counterhegemonic strategy employed by the leading Islamist movement in Egypt. The article analyzes, historically and comparatively, the unfolding of this strategy during the period from 1982 to 2007, emphasizing how its success triggered heightened state repression, which ultimately prevented Islamists from capitalizing politically on their growing cultural power. The coercive capacity of modern states, as this article demonstrates, can preserve a regime’s political domination long after it has lost its cultural hegemony. The empirical evidence derived from the Islamist experience in Egypt supports theoretical claims that go beyond the Egyptian case: namely, it exposes the limits of the narrow cultural reading of Gramsci that has become commonplace over the years.  相似文献   

2.

Spaces of Identity: Global Media, Electronic Landscapes, and Cultural Boundaries. David Morley and Kevin Robins. London: Routledge, 1995.257pp.; $55.00 (cloth) $17.95 (paper).

Virtual Geography: Living with Global Media Events. McKenzie Wark. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994.253 pp.; $29.95 (cloth) $14.95 (paper).  相似文献   

3.
The article is based upon two years of field work among ultraorthodox Jewish women from the Hassidic sect of Gur in Tel-Aviv Israel. It deals with the question of possible intimacy between a woman ethnographer and a woman informant. On the theoretical level, the paper presents a predicament between the opportunities for intimacy — anticipated from ethnographic theory — and the obligations that such relationships might impose upon the research. The article describes how both women have learned to recognize the limits of intimacy with each other and what happened when they decided to go beyond those limits. On the narrative level, the paper is a portrayal of everyday reality of ultraorthodox woman and women who live within a nonorthodox society.  相似文献   

4.
From an intergenerational family perspective, geographical distance and proximity have been shown to affect interaction and the extent of help and support between generations. Geographical separation and nearness hence do not only influence the family per se, but might also concern the welfare state, not least in times of population ageing. This study concerns exchange and assistance between elderly parents living very close to an adult child, and is based on interviews with 14 elderly parents. The interviews revealed that help and support flowed in both directions between the close-living generations, but that from the perspective of the elderly some types of help were more acceptable than others to give and receive. Further, the interviews suggested that living close, albeit discussed as allowing extensive interaction and support, should not be understood as a sign of wanting or even accepting more extensive help from the close-living adult child.  相似文献   

5.
This article proposes that current approaches to theorising disability as a form of social oppression and their relationship to disabled people's experiences are hampered by a modernist conceptual framework, which is increasingly at odds with the contemporary social world and with developments in theory-making as a whole. In order to bring disability theory closer to the lives of disabled people and the politics of new social movements, it is argued that the conceptual underpinnings of theory must be broadened beyond their current focus on structures, which view differences in terms of delimiting boundaries to one which includes an awareness of the relational, mediatory and performative role of discourse, and the increasing importance of local knowledges in shaping the social and political world.  相似文献   

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The neurodiversity movement claims that there are neurological differences in the human population, and that autism is a natural variation among humans – not a disease or a disorder, just ‘a difference’. A ‘politics of neurodiversity’ is based on the claim that the ‘neurodiverse’ population constitutes a political grouping comparable with those of class, gender, sexuality or race. This paper considers the limits and possibilities of neurodiverse political activism, and concludes by calling for a politics of identity that does not depend on a politics of ‘us’ and ‘them’.  相似文献   

8.
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