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1.
The dual-pathway model of collective action proposes two motivational pathways to collective protest, one is based on cost–benefit calculations and another is based on collective identification . The present research examined the role of feelings of group-based anger as an additional path. Study 1, a field study in the context of students' protest in Germany ( N = 201), provided evidence for a unique effect of anger. Study 2, a laboratory experiment ( N = 182), examined the desire to release aggressive tension as a psychological process underlying this effect. As hypothesized, analyses confirmed that anger affected participants' willingness to protest only to the extent that this behavior provided the opportunity of cathartic reduction in aggressive tensions. Moreover, an experimental manipulation providing an alternative means to release tension reduced the relationship between anger and willingness to protest to nonsignificance. The implications of these findings for reconceptualizing the role of anger in collective protest are discussed.  相似文献   

2.
Three daily diary studies were conducted to examine the incidence, nature, and impact of everyday sexism as reported by college women and men. Women experienced about one to two impactful sexist incidents per week, consisting of traditional gender role stereotypes and prejudice, demeaning and degrading comments and behaviors, and sexual objectification. These incidents affected women's psychological well-being by decreasing their comfort, increasing their feelings of anger and depression, and decreasing their state self-esteem. Although the experiences had similar effects on men's anger, depression, and state self-esteem, men reported relatively fewer sexist incidents, suggesting less overall impact on men. The results provide evidence for the phenomena of everyday prejudice and enlighten our understanding of the experience of prejudice in interpersonal encounters from the perspective of the target.  相似文献   

3.
In this article, we argue that progress in the study of collective action rests on an increasingly sophisticated application of the social identity approach. We develop the view, however, that the application of this theoretical perspective has been limited by theoretical and empirical difficulties in distinguishing between social categories and psychological groups. These problems have undermined the ability of researchers to correctly specify the collective identities that actually underpin many instances of collective action. As a partial solution to this problem we focus on collective identities based on shared opinion (opinion-based groups). We develop the proposition that much collective action reflects the crystallization or instantiation of opinion-based groups. We also outline an intervention aimed at stimulating commitment to collective action through group-based interaction involving opinion-based group members. We conclude by emphasizing that opinion-based groups tend to be most successful when they present themselves as being representative or aligned with dominant, positively valued social categories such as nations.  相似文献   

4.
盛智明 《社会》2016,36(3):110-139
本文从组织动员、行动策略和机会结构三个维度出发,基于发生在1999-2012年的中国191个业主维权案例,系统考察了纠纷类型、参与人数、维权方式、业主组织和政府反应五个因素对业主集体维权结果的影响。研究发现,在涉及政府部门的行政型纠纷和混合型纠纷中,业主不易维权成功;动员一定数量的业主有助于集体维权成功,但并不意味着动员人数越多,成功可能性越大;不同维权方式及其组合会影响维权结果,非制度化的激进行为并不利于业主实现其利益诉求;真正代表业主利益且能有效运作的业主组织可以显著提高业主维权成功的可能性;政府的行政失当行为(包括不当干预和行政不作为)大大增加了业主维权的难度。这些发现在一定程度上揭示了当前中国强国家-弱社会的现状。  相似文献   

5.
This article proposes a classification of motivations for collective action based in three of Tetlock's (2002) metaphors of social functionalism (i.e., people as intuitive economists, politicians, and theologians). We use these metaphors to map individual- and group-based motivations for collective action from the literature onto the distinction between individuals who are strongly or weakly identified with their social group. We conclude that low identifiers can be best understood as intuitive economists (supported by both early and recent work on collective action), whereas high identifiers can be best thought of as intuitive politicians or theologians (as recent work on social identity has started to explore). Interestingly, our classification reveals a remarkable lack of attention for the intuitive theologian's motivation for collective action. We therefore develop new hypotheses for future research, and derive recommendations for policy and practice from our analysis.  相似文献   

6.
Objective . Theoretically informed models of the relationship between stigmatized personal identities and participation in collective social action are tested. Methods . Data from a longitudinal study of participants ( N = 4,169) followed between adolescence and the fourth decade of life are used to estimate structural equation models. Results . The data support hypotheses that perceived rejection during adolescence anticipates participation in social action under conditions when respondents reported during adolescence (1) that many of the kids at school participated in social movements ( p < .10) and (2) that they perceived themselves as having personal control over adverse outcomes ( p < .05), but not under mutually exclusive conditions. In all models, gender, mother's education, and minority status were specified as control variables. Conclusions . Early experiences of rejection and failure dispose people to engage in collective social action if they perceive social support for such action and anticipate that action will be effective.  相似文献   

7.
Group status and group identification were hypothesized to moderate the predictors of collective action to challenge gender discrimination against women. Higher identifiers were expected to respond to the inequality through the lens of their in-group's interests. Among highly identified women, collective action was predicted by appraisals of illegitimacy and feelings of anger, suggesting that they felt a sense of solidarity with the victims and experienced the justice violation as personally relevant. In contrast, higher identification with the high-status group should reflect more investment in the advantaged in-group, relative to the interests of the victimized out-group members. Thus, among highly identified men, collective action intentions were predicted by perceiving the inequality as pervasive (i.e., not limited to a few cases) and feelings of sympathy for victims. This suggests that highly identified men did not experience the inequality as self-relevant until they saw it as too widespread to be ignored. In contrast, men and women with lower gender group identification demonstrated more similar pathways to collective action, where sympathy was the main predictor. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.  相似文献   

8.
卜玉梅 《社会》2015,35(5):168-195
本文以反对垃圾站选址的社区集体抗争为例,采用虚拟民族志方法,展现了业主利用互联网进行抗争的行动图景,揭示了基于互联网的集体行动从线上走向线下的过程和影响因素。研究发现,对于浅层行动,在线动员能够实现广泛的离线参与;对于深层行动,在政治弱控制、参与热情高涨的运动初期,在线动员效果较好,但在政治控制介入、行动力弱化的运动维持阶段,则需要通过离线的二次动员或现实网络及组织的生成来保证行动参与并支撑运动的持续性。文章指出,互联网的动员潜力、行动特性及运动历程综合影响着从在线到离线的转换,而控制因素产生的政治风险塑造着网络动员的方式和策略,型构着网民群体的行动逻辑,并最终呈现为对在线动员效果的约制。  相似文献   

9.
As Allport (1954) implied, the content of stereotypes may be systematic, and specifically, ambivalent. We hypothesize two clusters of outgroups, one perceived as incompetent but warm (resulting in paternalistic prejudice) and one perceived as competent but not warm (resulting in envious prejudice). Perceived group status predicts perceived competence, and perceived competition predicts perceived (lack of) warmth. Two preliminary surveys support these hypotheses for 17 outgroups. In-depth analyses of prejudice toward particular outgroups support ambivalent prejudice: Paternalistic prejudice toward traditional women, as well as envious prejudice toward career women, results in ambivalent sexism (Glick & Fiske, 1996). Envious prejudice toward Asians results in perceived competence but perceived lack of social skills. Ambivalent content reflects systematic principles.  相似文献   

10.
价值主导型群体事件中参与主体的行动逻辑   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
张荆红 《社会》2011,31(2):73-96
本文基于SS事件的田野调查资料,从微观层面考察参与主体的行为互动及其逻辑演进,剖析利益与价值因素的交替主导效应,进而解释聚集者何时、因何、如何参与和退出集体行动,并以此回应海内外学者的观察。本文的结论主要有:直接利益受损者行动目标由利益诉求向价值诉求的转变,为聚集者提供了参与契机;价值因素是聚集者参与集体行为的核心动力;直接利益受损者在面对社会价值诉求与个体自身利益选择时,后者的作用凸显,聚集者也随之选择退出,集体行动终结;当前,“价值-利益回归效应”在处理由偶然事件引发的价值主导型群体事件中具有有效性,中国社会转型时期的价值主导型群体事件并不完全与西方集体行动理论相契合。  相似文献   

11.
Collective action is one of the core mechanisms of social change, and thus of major importance to social scientists, practitioners, and policy-makers. Our goal in editing this issue is to bring together recent advances on the social and psychological dynamics of collective action among members of disadvantaged as well as advantaged groups. This article introduces the contributions to this issue after a brief review of the major psychological perspectives on collective action (social identity, relative deprivation, and resource mobilization theories), and a discussion of the considerable diversity in collective action research in terms of contexts, populations, and measures. We hope that this issue contributes to a more multi-faceted and integrative understanding of the social and psychological dynamics of collective action in terms of theory, research, policy, and practice.  相似文献   

12.
In the year prior to Hillary Clinton's and Barack Obama's bids to become the Democratic nominee for the U.S. presidency, we explored children's views about the role of race and gender in the U.S. presidency, with a specific focus on perceptions of discrimination. Specifically, we examined children's (aged 5 to 10) knowledge of and attributions for the lack of female (Study 1, N = 76), African American (Study 2, N = 64), and Latino (Study 3, N = 65) presidents. Results indicated that children are knowledgeable about the gender, race, and ethnicity of past presidents, and that many children attribute the lack of female, African American, and Latino presidents to gender and racial discrimination. Theoretical and policy implications of the work are discussed.  相似文献   

13.
The articles presented in this volume describe part of a new generation of interest and vigor in the social psychological study of collective action. This new wave builds nicely on the foundation set by social identity, self-categorization, and relative deprivation theories but also introduces a number of important innovative perspectives and variables. In this commentary, I review some of these expansions and additions, raise a number of conceptual concerns that arise out of these new directions, and discuss more generally some novel and important directions that emerge from the work presented in the volume and in other recent work on collective action.  相似文献   

14.
The Commission on Community Interrelations (CCI) was officially launched in 1945 by the American Jewish Congress (AJC) with Kurt Lewin as its chief consultant. Its intent was to bring research to bear on religious and racial discrimination. Espousing the ideals of democratic social engineering, CCI's action research projects aimed for scientific credibility and social utility. This article examines CCI's development from 1944 to 1952. By the early 1950s, changes within the AJC and in local communities and increased legal and mass protest strategies for racial justice as well as changes within social psychology as a subdiscipline challenged the viability of CCI's action research programs.  相似文献   

15.
Summary The paper describes the action of a group of low-income tenants,inexperienced in dealing with bureaucracies or in understandingthe complexities of landlord-tenant law, who attempted to improvetheir living conditions by using the Government's Rent Tribunal While the legal remedies provided under the Rent Acts were effective,the tenants were reluctant to use them until they had organizedas a group. This was because of the particular relationshipthey had with the landlady who made it difficult for them todiscuss with her their rights as tenants. Their only way ofchanging this was through collective action We discuss the use of conflict strategies in a short-term issue;that is, in fighting a landlady for better living conditions(both lower rents and adequate repairs). It illustrates thedifficulty of mobilizing a group of people whose ususal everydayexperiences are that it is difficult, if not futile, to takeaction to improve their situation. This is so in spite of machineryset up by the Government to arbitrate over rents for privateproperty. The difficulty lies in the precarious financial positionin which deprived groups often find themselves, making it easyfor them to fall into rent arrears and therefore be liable toeviction from their accommodation. It is difficult also becauseproperty owners are more likely to have easy access to the legalmachinery. These tenants are usually in no position to holda landlord to his side of the contract because they lack theresources to pay the legal fees entailed  相似文献   

16.
Environmental degradation is a complex problem, many aspects of which may not be solved unless collective effort is undertaken. Collective Efficacy theory provides a useful framework to investigate how people view their ability and the effectiveness of their actions to solve environmental problems, which has been largely overlooked until now. Six focus groups were conducted to explore efficacy beliefs expressed by environmental Activists and Non‐Activists in Perth, Western Australia, relating to waste management. All participants (n=38) expressed pessimistic views about the abilities of others to perform pro‐environmental behaviours. However, Activists were positive that a collective effort would be effective (‘many drops will fill up the bucket’) while Non‐Activists felt strongly that the problem would still exist even if everyone performed waste‐minimising behaviours (‘it's just a drop in the bucket’). Behaviour change interventions might be more effective if they focus on convincing people that collective effort will be effective in solving environmental problems.  相似文献   

17.
White–Black relations have historically been the defining form of intergroup relations in the study of prejudice and discrimination. The present article suggests that there are limitations to applying this model to understanding bias toward other groups and proposes that a comprehensive view of the dynamics of the Anglos' bias toward Latinos requires consideration of the distinctive elements of this form of intergroup relations. In four empirical studies, we experimentally document discrimination against Latinos (Study 1), explore the potential dimensions that underlie bias against Latinos (Study 2), and examine the effect of a particular social identity cue, accentedness, on perceptions of acceptance and belongingness of Latinos and members of other groups (Studies 3 and 4). These studies consider general processes of prejudice and identify how particular facets of bias against Latinos can shape their experiences and, taken together, illustrate how understanding bias against Latinos can reciprocally inform contemporary theories of prejudice.  相似文献   

18.
朱健刚 《社会》2011,31(3):24-41
本文描述和分析了广州一个社区就物业管理费和业委会展开的集体行动,试图说明在城市中产阶层业主维权运动中,以中老年人为主体的社区运动及其行动策略的产生,一方面是“依法抗争”的理性选择的结果,另一方面受到“以理抗争”的多重文化逻辑的影响,即包括行动者基于利益理性的“依法抗争”、基于家园认同所寻求的日常生活的道德平衡,以及以往社会主义群众动员孕育的人民抗争的话语/价值体系。城市社区治理中的“以理抗争”与中国农村基层社会的“以法抗争”,既有着相似性,又有差异性,在一定程度上,它推动了中国城市社区治理结构的转变。  相似文献   

19.
The sociology of violence still struggles with two critical questions: What motivates people to act violently on behalf of groups and how do they come to identify with the groups for which they act? Methodologically the article addresses these puzzling problems in favor of a relational sociology that argues against both micro‐ and macro‐reductionist accounts, while theoretically it proposes a twofold reorientation: first, it makes a plea for the so called cognitive turn in social theory; second, it proposes following praxeological accounts of social action that focus on the dynamic interpenetration of cognition and socio‐cultural practices. The argument is that symbolic boundaries constitute the “missing link” that allows for overcoming the micro‐macro gap in violence research: Symbolic boundaries can cause people's participation in collective violence by providing the essential relational resources for violent action and by triggering the cognitive/affective mechanisms necessary for social actors to become drawn into mobilization processes that can cause their engaging in coordinated attacks on sites across the boundary. The article offers a new theoretical argument by drawing on knowledge from violence research, social action theory and cognitive science allowing for a non‐reductionist theory of action that explains how and why people engage in collective violence.  相似文献   

20.
This article provides an introduction to research on European prejudice and discrimination. First, we list the distinctive characteristics of a European perspective and provide a short sketch of European immigration and ethnic groups. Europe has become a multicultural community. Nevertheless, public opinion and the continent's politics often do not reflect this empirical fact. Prejudice and discrimination directed at immigrants are a widespread phenomena across Europe. Several cross-European surveys support this conclusion, although theoretically driven surveys on prejudice and discrimination in Europe remain rare. Cross-European research studies classical and modern theories of prejudice and discrimination and attempts to uncover the psychological mechanisms that explain individual readiness to exclude ethnic groups. A brief sketch of recent European research is presented. This issue offers both important cross-national perspectives as well as needed comparisons with the more studied case of racial prejudice and discrimination in the United States.  相似文献   

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