The Effect on Elderly Parents in Cambodia of Losing an Adult Child to AIDS

Little systematic quantitative research is available on the parents of adults who become ill and die of AIDS despite their large number and the wide range of adverse consequences. This study, based on survey data from Cambodia, explores economic and social effects on parents in a country characterized by extreme poverty and a substantial AIDS epidemic. Results indicate that parents play a major role during the illness of an adult son or daughter, often sharing living quarters, providing care, and paying for illness‐related expenses. These contributions to the societal response to AIDS come at considerable cost to parents at advanced ages. Multivariate analysis suggests lasting negative consequences for parents’economic well‐being, and the consequences are more substantial if the adult child's death was from AIDS rather than from other causes. The study found little evidence of stigma associated with losing a grown child to AIDS: reactions from local community members are more likely to be sympathetic and supportive than negative. These results underscore the need for organizations dealing with AIDS to recognize the contributions older persons make in coping with the epidemic and to address the burden it imposes on them.     

India's National Family Health Survey provides new information on maternal and child health and AIDS awareness

Teams surveyed a sample of 88,562 households, drawn from 99% of the population of India in 24 states plus the National Capital Territory of Delhi, between April 1992 and September 1993 to collect a basic set of information on all 500,492 household members, with more details on the 89,777 women in the households who had ever been married and were aged 13-49 years. This National Family Health Survey (NFHS) collected information from the women on a range of health topics including child immunization, women's knowledge of AIDS, services and facilities use during pregnancy and childbirth, infant feeding and treatment for diarrhea, and infant, child, and maternal mortality. Levels of infant and child mortality declined in India, but 8% of all children still die before their first birthday and 11% die before reaching age 5. As for maternal mortality, there are an estimated 420 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births annually. That rate implies that at least 100,000 Indian women die each year due to causes related to pregnancy and childbirth. Survey results indicate the need to strengthen vaccination programs and teach women about proper infant feeding practices. They also highlight the need to increase antenatal care and other medical services. In all of these areas, the NFHS results indicate wide variation among India's regions and states. Furthermore, a general lack of AIDS awareness suggests that the government's AIDS awareness campaign, relying primarily upon electronic media, has not yet reached the majority of India's population.     

Poverty in the Philippines: the impact of family size

The people of Asia are beginning to realize that lower fertility translates into increased family wealth and educational attainment. This is the message that population and development efforts have been focusing on. In the Philippines, the goal is to lower fertility with a strategy based on the assumption that increased capacity of the economy will support a growing population at a higher standard of living. In the Philippines, over 33% of the households have 7 or more family members, while 20% of urban and 27% of rural households have 4 or more. The risk of poverty associated with increased number of children are 44-50% for 1 child and 60-78% for those with 5. Households spend up to 10% of their total income to raise 1 child, 18% for 2, and 26% for 4 children. Because many families lack the resources to raise children the per child share drops dramatically with each child, a household with 4 children spends 25% less per child than does 1 with 2 children. Occupation also affects income as the highest poverty rates are among heads of household who are: laborers (60%) and agricultural workers (73%). The best solution is an integrated approach with increases in family planning, education, and agricultural reform.     

我国留守老人状况研究

本研究利用2000年我国第五次人口普查抽样数据对我国留守老人的总量、年龄构成、地区构成和家庭类型等进行了分析。结果表明,目前我国留守老人总量为1790万人,留守老人分布密度在市镇乡之间和地区之间存在明显差异,人口流动使生活在隔代家庭的老年人比重大大增加。     

Child labour in the Era of HIV/AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa: A case study of Tanzania

Exploitation of child labour is an endemic problem in sub-Saharan Africa. The situation is increasingly worsening due to increasing poverty and HIV/AIDS. We carried out a study to understand how the AIDS epidemic facilitates the presence of child labour in Iringa Rural District in Tanzania. The findings revealed that children opt for early participation in the labour force due to the ever-increasing poverty existing at their household level. There is a correlation between poverty and HIV/AIDS in general, and particularly between HIV/AIDS and the poor socio-economic condition of orphans. Current interventions to stop child labour do not yield good results because of low level of awareness on child labour issues at village levels. The government and its partners, such as ILO, should improve the coordination between the district and the communities (villages) in order to make sure that communities at the village level are reached and assisted. Furthermore, reducing rural poverty is imperative if child labour is to be eliminated.     

The effect of divorce on intergenerational transfers: New evidence

This paper draws on new data on intergenerational transfers of time and money that were collected in the Panel Study of Income Dynamics. We use these data to examine the effects of divorce on these transfers. We find that the timing of divorce is critical. Fathers and mothers involved in late divorces have similar levels of transfers with their adult children, while divorce during a child’s childhood years increases transfers with mothers and sharply lowers them with fathers. Somewhat surprisingly, we find no evidence that divorced fathers who paid child support are more likely to be involved in intergenerational transfers than those who did not pay child support.     

Do family planning programs enhance children's health?

The findings of the 1993 National Demographic Survey (NDS) in the Philippines provide implications for child health of family size and whether a child was wanted at the time of conception. About 15% of the more than 8000 births considered in the NDS were classified as unwanted. In 1995, the East-West Center's Program on Population has helped research centers in the Philippines to conduct an extended analysis of NDS results. Children under age 5 who had been unwanted at the time of conception (unwanted children) were almost 25% and 15% more likely to have had diarrhea or respiratory infections, respectively, in the last two weeks than those who were wanted at the time of conception (wanted children). Unwantedness had little effect on the likelihood of treatment once the child was ill, however. When the researchers controlled all other variables, including unwantedness, family size did not have a direct influence on the likelihood that a child would become ill, but it did have a significant influence on whether or not an ill child would receive treatment. Each additional sibling reduced the likelihood that an ill child would receive treatment by about 5% for diarrhea and by about 4% for respiratory infection. Another factor that influenced disease incidence was age (at 18 months, most likely to be ill with respiratory infection or diarrhea). Older children were more likely to receive treatment than younger children. Other factors influencing treatment and disease incidence were socioeconomic status and maternal educational status. These findings further justify family planning programs based on child health. They demonstrate that children suffer when they are born into a household where they are not wanted. Since about 33% of all child deaths are caused by diarrhea or respiratory infections in the Philippines, unwantedness affects the incidence of these infections, and family size has a direct effect on the likelihood an ill child will receive treatment. A policy intervention that would greatly reduce child mortality would be extremely beneficial.     

Perceptions of the Widow's Bereavement Process by Her Adult Child

Little empirical attention has been simultaneously

given to both the widow and her adult child. The evidence that does

exist suggests that mother-adult child bereavement asynchrony is

common. Participants were 59 widowed mother-adult child pairs.

Mothers averaged 60 years of age and had been widowed 3.5 years.

Using a person-perception approach 11 variables were expected to

influence the adult child's accuracy in predicting their widowed

mother's bereavement responses. None of the variables significantly

predicted this accuracy on any of 15 grief scales. Other findings

included: higher grief scores by mothers compared to their adult

children and reports by mothers that they should share, and actually

did share, an average of 60% of their feelings about their life with

their adult child. Finally, when adult children were asked to estimate

the accuracy of their predictions, thcy significantly overestimated

their actual "hit" rate of 67%. Results are discussed in terms of

person perception accuracy and bereavement adjustment.     

Living arrangements of older malaysians: Who coresides with their adult children?

More than two-thirds of Malaysians age 60 or older coreside with an adult child. Data from the Senior sample of the Second Malaysian Family Life Survey (MFLS-2) are used to investigate which “seniors” (persons age 60 or older) live in this way. The analysis generally supports the notion that coresidence is influenced by the benefits, costs, opportunities, and preferences for coresidence versus separate living arrangements. For example, married seniors are more likely to coreside with adult children when housing costs are greater in their area or when the husband or wife is in poor health. This finding suggests that married parents and children live together to economize on living costs or to receive help with household services. Unmarried seniors who are better off economically are less likely to live with adult children, presumably because they use their higher incomes to “purchase privacy.”     

Communicating population and family planning

This thorough look at the change in the American family 1900-1700 finds that 40% of marriages among women now in their late 20s may end in divorce, that the divorce rate is stabilizing, that between 1-4% of unrelated men and women are living together in informal unions (the figure made difficult to obtain by the difficulty in framing the question), that 15 million adults live alone, and that only 67% of children live with their own once-married parents. About 33% of births are premaritally conceived. The median age for mothers at birth of last child has moved downward from 33 years in the early 1900s to about 30 years. Childbearing has declined from 3.9 children per mother in the early 1900s to 2.5. The period of childbearing has been compressed to about 7 years, between ages 23-30. 10% of remarried women's children are born between marriages. 50% of pregnancies end in abortion. It was found that persons who had completed an educational level, whether it be high school or college, generally had more stable marriages; those who had not completed a level were more likely to get divorced. Despite changes in lifestyle, however, some typical family situations are experienced by most Americans. 2 of 3 marriages will last until death of 1 of the partners and most young women questioned in census surveys expect 2 children.     

The influence of market wages and parental history on child labour and schooling in Egypt

This paper examines the influence of adult market wages and having parents who were child labourers on child labour, when this decision is jointly determined with child schooling, using data from Egypt. The empirical results suggest that low adult market wages are key determinants of child labour; a 10% increase in the illiterate male market wage decreases the probability of child labour by 22% for boys and 13% for girls. The findings also indicate the importance of social norms in the intergenerational persistence of child labour: parents who were child labourers themselves are on average 10% more likely to send their children to work. In addition, higher local regional income inequality increases the likelihood of child labour.

Working and caring for large families: do mothers face a trade-off?

Does having three or more children lower the chance that mothers participate in the labour force compared to those who have two children? Most of the previous literature on this topic describes the substantial indirect costs of children for first-time mothers, but having additional children at higher parities can entail even higher indirect costs. This paper finds a labour force participation gap between mothers who have three or more children and those who have two children. It explores whether this gap is caused by the selectivity of those who purposely choose to have large families or by family size itself. It also questions if the gap occurs simply because mothers with 3 or more children are consequently more likely to care for young children: 42?% of them have a child under the age of five compared to only 38.7?% of mothers with 2 children. A priori, it is unclear if the employment gap between these two groups of mothers is driven by the difference in the age of the youngest child or by the difference in the number of children. This paper contributes to the literature by disentangling the effect of having an additional child from having an additional young child in the household with a simple but innovative approach (grouping by mother??s age and her age at the second pregnancy) that avoids controlling for the age of the youngest child in regression.     

Only children as adult women: Life course events and timing

A comparison between adult women who are only children and women who grew up with siblings is performed in relation to life course characteristics (events and timing), using a random sample of Canadian women (birth cohorts 1905–29 and 1930–44) surveyed, by telephone, in Vancouver and Victoria (total n of 1 251, with a response rate of approximately 60 percent). Initial analysis shows that female adult only children are less likely to have large families, more likely to marry and have their first child at older ages, more likely to attain high levels of education, and, among the younger cohort, more likely to cohabitate at younger ages. However, more refined analysis reveals that differences are, for the most part, the result of family of origin variables associated with sibsize rather than the result of only child status per se. Results are discussed in terms of their implications for research within the life course perspective, and in the light of possible changes accompanying population aging.     

A joint model of marital childbearing and marital disruption

Married couples with children appear to be less likely to end their marriages than childless couples, especially when the children are young. Although this suggests that children affect the chances that their parents will divorce, the process may not be so simple: the chances that the marriage will last also may affect couples’ willingness to make the commitment to the marriage implied by having children. This paper uses data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) to test the hypothesis that the risk of disruption faced by a married woman affects the chances that she will conceive and bear a child. The model used takes into account the simultaneous relationships between marital dissolution and marital fertility by including the hazard of disruption as a predictor of timing and likelihood of marital conception, and by including the results of previous fertility decisions as predictors of disruption of the marriage. We find that the hazard of disruption has strong negative effects on the hazard of marital childbearing, lengthening the intervals between births and decreasing the chances that a child will be born. This effect appears to be strongest for women who have had at least one child, either before or during the current marriage, although it is also large for childless women. Explicitly including the hazard of disruption in models of marital childbearing has sizable and important effects on many predictors of fertility.     

Child marriage in India]

Child marriages have been practiced in India for thousands of years. Even though its popularity has now decreased due to changes in law and society, it is still a major problem, causing a great deal of hardship. Even though laws prohibited child marriage as early as 1860, statistics show that, on the average, Indians marry very young (1972: females at age 17; males at age 22 years of age; 34 females and 13 males under age 15). The following are incentives to marry young and have large families: 1) religion teaches that only those with descendants go to heaven; 2) unmarried women are traditionally scorned; and 3) most importantly, economic reasons encourage people to have large families as soon as possible, e.g., male children are encouraged to marry to obtain the dowry as soon as possible and children are considered a source of income in India. Child marriage in India causes the following problems: 1) a high infant mortality rate, as much as 75% in rural areas; 2) an imbalance in the male to female ratio (1901: 970 females/1000 males; 1971: 930 females/1000 males) because women who marry young tend to lose their health earlier; 3) a population explosion: in 1971, the Indian population was found to be increasing at the rate of 225/1000.     

Older adults in sub-Saharan Africa living with children and grandchildren

Using data from Demographic and Health Surveys, we examine the composition of households containing older adults in 24 countries of sub-Saharan Africa, with a focus on those living with children and grandchildren. Overall, 59 per cent live with a child and 46 per cent with a grandchild. Men are more likely to live in nuclear households and women in extended households and alone. Regression analyses show that individual-level determinants of household composition differ by sex. For example, living with children and grandchildren is tied to living with a spouse for men, but for women the effect is either not significant or in the opposite direction. Households with an older adult and a grandchild, but no adult children, are common. Usually the adult child lives elsewhere, though about 8 per cent of older adults live with a grandchild who has at least one deceased parent. Older adults are more likely to be living with double-orphans in countries with high AIDS-related mortality.     

Advocating "one couple with one child" being an optimal choice]

Zero population growth within the next 5 years in China would be reached only if many couples were not allowed to have their own child. On the other hand, if every couple were allowed to have 2 children China's population would reach 1500 million within the next 50 years. It seems advisable to advocate the "1 couple 1 child" idea; couples will have to keep in mind both the national interest and the communist ideology; social welfare to assure good living conditions for the old people will relieve the worries of parents with 1 child only. Most people are willing to follow this decision made by the Communist Party; many people declare their willingness to stick by this rule during their wedding ceremony; many couples send back their permit to have a second child, and many women choose abortion when pregnant with a second permitted pregnancy. By the end of 1979 the proportion of "1 couple 1 child" couples was 90% in many large cities; people realize that the practice of "1 couple 1 child" is the best assurance for the future of the country and of their children. This policy will not result in aging of the population, lack of manpower and shortage of soldiers; even if birth rate were 1% in 1985 the proportion of older people for the next 25 years will still be lower than that in European countries. The problem of aging of the population will not occur in this century, and population policies can always be adjusted when needed. Today's problem is to control population through the "1 couple 1 child" policy, even if it may result in many lonely old people, which is a lesser problem than too many people. Even if China has reduced its population growth by 10 million births each year from 1970 to 1979, the necessity to control population growth is still present, in the interest of the country and economic development.     

One-child families also have possibilities for getting rich]

The common people believe that families with more children have a larger labor force and more income, and that families with 1 child have a smaller labor force and thus less income. Recent findings from Zhangqiu County of Shandong Province show that families with only 1 child have 67.8% more income than families with 2 children. The reason is that families with 1 child have fewer dependents and the financial burden for them is less. When the husband goes to work, the wife, who is taking care of only one child, will have more time and energy for part-time work to be done at home to increase income. In addition, if a family has fewer children, expenditures are also lower, and this is a beneficial condition for becoming wealthy. Furthermore, the nation offers a great many financial privileges and special treatment to families with 1 child, such as tuition exemptions, medical and health care allowances, more grain quotas, and better marketing arrangements for products from households with 1 child. All these have improved the livelihood of families with 1 child. An adequate ideological education to families with 1 child is needed in order to increase their motivation and productivity. Good nurseries and kindergartens are also needed so that parents may concentrate on their daily work and improve productivity. Birth control measures for childbearing women should be improved and efforts should be made to emphasize the importance of birth control to the nation.     

Orphanhood and Human Capital Destruction: Is There Persistence into Adulthood?

This article presents unique evidence that orphanhood matters in the long run for health and education outcomes in a region of northwestern Tanzania. We study a sample of 718 non-orphaned children surveyed in 1991–1994 who were traced and reinterviewed as adults in 2004. A large proportion, 19%, lost one or more parents before age 15 in this period, allowing us to assess permanent health and education impacts of orphanhood. In the analysis, we control for a wide range of child and adult characteristics before orphanhood, as well as community fixed effects. We find that maternal orphanhood has a permanent adverse impact of 2 cm of final height attainment and one year of educational attainment. Expressing welfare in terms of consumption expenditure, the result is a gap of 8.5% compared with similar children whose mothers survived until at least their 15th birthday.     

Aids mortality and the mobility of children in Kwazulu Natal,South Africa

This paper examines the effect of parental death on the mobility of 39,163 children aged 0-17 in rural KwaZulu Natal, South Africa, in 2000 and 2001. Parental mortality from all causes prior to and during follow-up increased the risk of a child moving by nearly two times after we controlled for the age and gender of the child and household characteristics. However, in the follow-up period, child mobility following maternal deaths from AIDS was lower than child mobility following maternal deaths from other causes. Younger children, boys, and children whose mothers or fathers were resident members of the children's households were also less likely to move.