A Foreigner Who Does Not Steal My Job: The Role of Unemployment Risk and Values in Attitudes toward Equal Opportunities

Immigration has become systematically politicized and opposed by many individuals. We examine individual attitudes toward equal opportunities for foreigners and Swiss citizens, using cross‐sectional data from the Swiss Household Panel. Individuals with low levels of education tend to oppose foreigners, while the opposition by individuals with high levels of education increases with the risk of unemployment. Values and beliefs explain the negative attitudes of individuals with low levels of education, but not the association with the risk of unemployment for individuals with high levels of education. Clearly, both values and economic factors are important for explaining attitudes toward foreigners.     

French Representations of Citizenship and Immigrants: The Political Dimension of the Civic Link

Representations of, and attitudes towards, foreigners take place within the complex system of values and meaning that constitutes what we call a national identity. In the French case, different conceptions of citizenship give rise to different attitudes towards immigrants. These conceptions, even if they could be related to antagonistic theories of democracy, blend together within the citizens' representations, giving the opportunity to combine advantages from each model, namely cohesion and inclusion. But the mix of citizenship representations occurs successfully only when the political dimension of citizenship is accepted. Where this is not the case, the antagonistic potential of both understanding of citizenship and immigrants develops and endangers the coherence of the civic and political national culture.     

French Representations of Citizenship and Immigrants: The Political Dimension of the Civic Link

Representations of, and attitudes towards, foreigners take place within the complex system of values and meaning that constitutes what we call a national identity. In the French case, different conceptions of citizenship give rise to different attitudes towards immigrants. These conceptions, even if they could be related to antagonistic theories of democracy, blend together within the citizens' representations, giving the opportunity to combine advantages from each model, namely cohesion and inclusion. But the mix of citizenship representations occurs successfully only when the political dimension of citizenship is accepted. Where this is not the case, the antagonistic potential of both understanding of citizenship and immigrants develops and endangers the coherence of the civic and political national culture.     

For better,for worse? Public support for the capitalist model of the economy

A capitalist market economy is based on several institutional elements, such as private ownership and competition. Does public support for this economic model rise if the economy prospers, and fall during a downturn? Or is public support largely independent of the ups and downs of economic cycles? We hypothesize that positive economic performance increases support and that persons profiting personally are more supportive of the economic system's constitutive institutional elements. Using multilevel regression we study the determinants of individual-level support for the economic system. We also test for differences in the perception of economic performance due to political attitudes and personal properties. The findings partly support the hypotheses, indicating that macro-economic factors matter for individual-level attitudes towards the economy. Attitudes towards different institutional elements of the economic system also differ in the degree to which they are political or economic, and influenced by economic performance. Individual features – education and personal economic stakes – affect attitudes towards the economy, but a substantial share of the individual-level variation in economic attitudes remains unexplained.     

Sensibilisierung gegenüber Fremdenfeindlichkeit und Rassismus — Ergebnisse einer wissenschaftlichen Begleitung des XENOS-Projektes „Konzeptwerkstatt gegen Rechts“

The focal point of this study is to investigate, on the basis of social psychological constructs, whether the Deutsche Angestellten-Akademie Südbayern’s (The German Employee Academy of Southern Bavaria) XENOS project “Konzeptwerkstatt gegen Rechts” (Concept Workshop Against Right Extremism), supported within the framework of the XENOS Program (01/01/2003 — 31/12/2005), achieved its goal to reduce the xenophobic attitudes of trainees. Applying a quasi-experimental “one-group pre-test/post-test plane” and various attitude/prejudice assessment methods, four hypotheses were tested. Although it was not possible to empirically confirm all the formulated hypotheses, the measures of the XENOS project “Konzeptwerkstatt gegen Rechts” (Concept Workshop Against Right Extremism), represent a successful approach to reduce students’ xenophobic attitudes, stereotypes and prejudices towards foreigners.     

Sociological aspects of migration policy: the case of the Federal Republic of Germany

In March 1980 the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) adopted guidelines for the further development of migration policy in which the social integration of 2nd- and 3rd-generation foreigners was a priority of migration policy in the future. However, there was no corresponding information and education for the German population on the envisaged integration of foreigners. At the end of 1981 the FRG was still not a country of immigration. From 1980-1982 the pressure of public opinion to restrict the number of incoming foreigners and the latent hostility towards foreigners constantly increased. In February 1982, the Federal Government adapted the following principles for their immigration policy: 1) to limit effectively further immigration of foreigners into the FRG; 2) to strengthen the desire of foreigners to return to their native countries; and 3) to improve the economic and social integration of foreigners who have lived in the FRG for many years and to define their rights of residence more precisely. In 1982, migration policy became an important aspect of German domestic affairs. The 1st decision on migration policy taken by the Federal Government (Christian-Democrats and Liberals) was to offer financial incentives for foreigners to remigrate. An opinion poll conducted in late 1981 showed that 1/2 the German population was hostile to foreigners, 58% of Germans wanted to see the number of foreigners limited or reduced, and 62% disapproved of foreign workers being allowed to bring their families into Germany. The Remigration Assistance Act of 1983 has had the following effects: 1) foreigners have become uncertain about their plans for the future, and 2) it gives the German population the illusion that the "problem caused by foreigners" will be automatically solved by their return. Young foreigners encounter unfavorable situations in the training and employment sectors. Another obstacle in their way is hostility to foreigners. A survey in 1985 showed that most older foreigners planned to return to their native country, while most younger ones did not. It is essential for the 1-sided emphasis on remigration assistance to be abandoned in the FRG's migration policy. The commission on migration set up by the Federal Government has also emphasized that the integration of foreigners is a fundamental element of migration policy.     

Does Anti‐Hispanic Bias Motivate Opposition to Non‐English Languages?*

Contemporary political debates about language policy in the United States focus on three primary policy issues: bilingual education in public schools, English‐only legislation, and the access of non‐English speaking citizens to political rights. Using the “Multi‐Ethnic United States” module from the 2000 General Social Survey (GSS), this article tests multiple attitudinal, behavioral, demographic, and contextual hypotheses for how Anglos and African Americans view bilingual policy issues. We examine the role of linguistic contact, self‐interest, group threat, and discriminatory views of Latinos, finding that the latter—as measured by the “Three Ds” (Derogation, Disrespect, and Distance)—are the strongest predictors of attitudes toward bilingualism. Distance (social distance from Latinos) is consistently significant, disrespect (doubts about Latino contributions to the United States.) is mostly significant, and derogation (Latino stereotypes) is occasionally significant. Also, political ideology and knowledge of a non‐English language play important roles in the formation of favorable bilingualism opinions. However, the self‐interest and group threat variables were largely insignificant. Taken together, these findings indicate the importance of understanding how policy views may be structured by opinions about out‐group individuals and cultures. Language can serve as a proxy for immigrants themselves, as negative attitudes toward Latinos are associated with negative attitudes toward bilingualism.     

The development of intercultural pedagogy and its influences on primary schools: conclusions and perspectives

The integration debate in Germany is closely connected to the education debate. Both are related to recent societal changes. Discussions at the social and political level in the past couple of years have shown how highly emotionally charged attitudes towards migration and integration in this country truly are. This article aims to provide an overview of intercultural developments in German educational contexts, especially those related to primary schools, against the background of societal change. We trace the developments in Germany from foreigner pedagogy and intercultural pedagogy to a pedagogy incorporating antiracism elements and subsequently a pedagogical approach focused on diversity (diversity pedagogy). We conclude that though many gains have been made, there is presently a danger that we will lose sight of cultural heterogeneity as diversity pedagogy in Germany has expanded to incorporate social inclusion.     

Kulturelle Variablen, organisatorische Netzwerke und demokratische Staatsstrukturen als Determinanten der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung im internationalen Vergleich

The article focuses on the determinants of economic growth in modern democratic industrial societies. The investigation is led by the idea that the traditional theory of growth must be extended in two directions: towards the micro-level, i.e. towards the field of microeconomic attitudes and values, and towards the macro-level, i.e. towards the field of institutional and political conditions. The study makes an attempt to develop such an integrative perspective and to explain the growth rate in the 1980s and 1990s with cultural, political-institutional and economic factors. Empirical analyses show that economic expansion is limited by three factors: the distribution of post-materialist values, the size of economic interest organizations and consensus forms of democracy. Furthermore, the results confirm the assumption of conditional convergence of economic growth.     

In welchen Lebensbereichen lernen Jugendliche Ausländerfeindlichkeit?

Youth research largely ignores apprentices. What little evidence there is on hostility towards foreigners among apprentices is contradictory. Starting with this scant knowledge the paper investigates in which life spheres (family, peers, school, work) apprentices learn this hostility. The study surveyed 374 respondents with German parents in Nuremberg. The results show clear evidence that family and peers are particularly important.     

Ausländer, Eingebürgerte und das Problem einer realistischen Zuwanderer-Integrationsbilanz

The use of the legal term “foreigner” in German official statistics and in sociological research on migration and integration is questioned. During the 1990s, naturalization has created a gap between the numbers of migrants and of foreigners. Legal and administrative factors cause an unobserved selectivity in the process of naturalization and increasingly blur the meaning of citizenship for social science purposes. Drawing on two German survey samples, the article reveals a considerably more favorable socio-economic placement of naturalized persons compared with foreigners of the same origin. Any stock-taking based on foreigners alone would exclude the most successful migrants in terms of education, labor market participation and income, and depict the participation of the immigrated population as overly deficient. An appropriate representation of naturalized people in official statistics is called for.     

Der „Kleine Mann“ und die AfD: Was steckt dahinter?

Critics of my work have found a negative effect of the social status on the likelihood of someone voting for the AfD. However, these findings do not sufficiently confirm the Modernisation Losers’ thesis that I had formulated and testest in this journal in 2017. The reason is that attitudes towards society vary dependent on social status, and these attitudes have no reference to economic modernisation. When controlling the influence of these attitudes in multivariate analyses, status effects will disappear. One of these attitudes is the rejection of refugees: AfD voters often perceive refugees as competitors for scarce resources and a threat to the cultural homogeneity of German society. This means that the effect of social status on the intention of voting for AfD is mediated by attitudes towards immigration. I find evidence for this thesis in some of the contributions of my critics and in new analyses based on the German Social-Economic Panel (GSOEP). My conclusion is that a policy of redistribution will not be suitable for winning back AfD voters, because it misses the decisive motive for their voting.     

Feeling Europe: political emotion,knowledge, and support for the European Union

Theories of political emotion suggest that feelings towards an issue or candidate are often better predictors for support than attitudes or preferences. We investigate whether this conjecture also holds for more abstract political entities, such as the European Union (EU), and test whether EU citizens’ feelings toward the EU are significant predictors of their EU support. We first review existing research and provide theory-driven propositions of how positive and negative emotion may influence EU-related attitudes. Second, using multilevel regression models fitted to Eurobarometer data, we estimate how feelings toward the EU are associated with support for the EU. In line with our hypotheses, analyses show that positive emotions are positively associated with EU-support, while negative affect is negatively associated with it. Contrary to some theoretical predictions, however, these effects are not mediated by individuals’ use of EU-related information.     

Cosmopolitan attitudes through transnational social practices?

Within the scope of the debate surrounding globalization, ever increasing attention is being directed to the growth of border‐crossing social relations and the emergence of transnational social spaces on the micro‐level. In particular, the question of how these border‐crossing interrelations influence the attitudes and values of the people involved causes some controversy. Some assume that the increasing trans‐nationalization of social relations will foster the development of cosmopolitan attitudes, while others warn that renationalization may also be a result. On the empirical level, the relationship between transnationalization and cosmopolitanism has so far only been addressed with regard to certain groups or specific circumstances. However, we assume that on the general level there is a positive relation between the two syndromes and address this question empirically on the level of the entire German population. On the basis of a representative survey of German citizens carried out in 2006, we find that people with border‐crossing experiences and transnational social relations are more likely to adopt cosmopolitan attitudes with respect to foreigners and global governance. The analysis shows that this general interrelation remains stable even when controlling for relevant socio‐economic variables.     

A note on democratization and economic conditions in Eastern Europe

This note empirically analyzes whether attitudes towards the progress in democratization in Eastern Europe are influenced by economic factors. It is found that both subjective and objective personal economic experiences as well as macroeconomic developments have a significant influence on perceptions of the progress in political transformation.     

Real household income and attitude toward immigrants: an empirical analysis

Previous studies have analyzed the (aggregate) effects of unemployment on attitudes towards immigrants and on right-wing crimes. In this paper, we investigate the effects of economic prosperity on attitudes towards immigrants, focusing not only on unemployment status but also on real household income. Using panel data from the German Socioeconomic Panel on around 33,000 individuals over the period 1992–2004 we find a robust negative relationship between real personal household income and self-declared concern about immigrants, both in levels and first differences. Both job loss and income reduction concerns about immigration. Our findings document an interesting interaction between economic variables and social attitudes which does not depend on economic growth per se but on its capacity to generate higher economic wellbeing at individual level, not only for unemployed people but also for those in employment, who may face a fall in real income during economic downturns.     

How important are political interest and internal political efficacy in the prediction of political participation? Longitudinal evidence from Germany / La importancia del interés en la polític y dae la eficacia política interna en la predicción de la participación política. Datos longitudinales originados en Alemania

This study aims to disentangle the effects of interest in politics and internal political efficacy in the prediction of different political activities. The analysis examines the hypothesis that political interest is a more important precursor of electoral and unconventional political participation, and that both political interest and efficacy are required to promote participation in political parties. Using the German Longitudinal Election Study, multiple regression analyses yield that political efficacy is a strong and positive predictor of intentions to participate in party politics and unconventional political behaviour. Political interest has differential effects on voting conditional on whether respondents are surveyed before or after elections, and differential moderated effects appear for conventional and unconventional political action. The findings are discussed with respect to the importance of political interest and efficacy for citizen participation.     

Farm Parents' Attitudes Towards Farm Safety Experts*

Abstract Using both qualitative and quantitative data, this article analyzes farm parents' attitudes towards the trustworthiness, usefulness, and use of advice from farm safety experts. The article evaluates four different perspectives on trust in expert: the Validity of Knowledge perspective, the Salient Values Similarity perspective, the Diffusion of Innovation perspective, and the Local Knowledge perspective. Among other factors, the results show that negative attitudes towards experts are strongly influenced by attitudes towards the validity of scientific knowledge vs. farm experience. They also show that experts who are more involved in farm production have higher levels of trust and usefulness. While all of the perspectives receive some degree of support, the results suggest that local knowledge and culture are critical in shaping attitudes towards experts. Attitudes towards experts are shaped not solely by expert characteristics but by the meanings and significance they assume in specific socio‐cultural contexts.     

Where professional and personal values may clash: social workers' attitudes towards professional involvement in the evacuation of Israeli settlers from Gaza and Northern Samaria

Israel's evacuation of settlers from their homes in Gaza and North Samaria provided a real time opportunity to examine social workers' attitudes towards offering their services in controversial political situations. This study, conducted shortly before the evacuation, is a qualitative examination of the attitudes of 108 Israeli social workers towards offering professional services to the evacuees. Findings show that while most respondents supported social worker involvement, around a quarter either qualified their support or objected outright. Calls are made to ensure that professional services and resources become available to persons of all political persuasions and in all political situations.     

Interculturalism as a New Framework to reduce Prejudice in Times of Crisis in European Countries

With the socio‐economic crisis that is affecting Europe particularly negatively, immigrants have been often reported as additional threats in the job market for established residents. Theories of prejudice, such as the Theory of Self‐interest or that of the Perceived Group Threats, have suggested economic factors to explain these kinds of attitudes towards immigrants. More recently, some scholars have advanced theories of intercultural values to account for individuals’ dispositions towards those perceived as newcomers. The aim of this work is to understand whether or not intercultural values are able to modify the effects that economic factors exert on prejudice in times of crisis. The main objective is to identify whether the kinds of values instilled within societies play a stronger role than other variables, particularly economic factors. The findings show that Interculturalism plays a much greater role than economic factors in influencing attitudes towards outsiders.