The labour market experiences of Canadian immigrants

The economic adaptation of immigrants to Canada is analyzed using government data on the labor force and landed immigrants. In particular, the labor force experience of a sample of immigrants in Canada is examined and compared with that of a Canadian cohort with regard to length of unemployment and income. "Differences in unemployment and insurable earnings are examined by age, sex, immigrant category..., world area of last permanent residence, official language abilities, education, and region of residence." (summary in FRE, SPA)     

Onward Emigration to the United States by Canadian Immigrants between 1995 and 20001

Using data drawn from the 2000 US and the 2001 Canadian Censuses, this paper analyzes the onward emigration of Canadian immigrants to the US between 1995 and 2000. The characteristics of an estimated 48,336 Canadian immigrants who made an onward emigration from Canada to the United States are examined. This paper also seeks to determine whether onward foreign‐born emigrants are representative of immigrants in Canada and Canadian‐born emigrants to the US. Results indicate that onward emigrants are primarily young, married, possess a bachelor's degree, earn incomes of $100,000 US or greater, and reside in large immigrant‐receiving states and metropolitan areas.     

Recent Immigration to Canada and the United States: A Mixed Tale of Relative Selection

Using large‐scale census data and adjusting for sending‐country fixed effect to account for changing composition of immigrants, we study relative immigrant selection to Canada and the U.S. during 1990–2006, a period characterized by diverging immigration policies in the two countries. Results show a gradual change in selection patterns in educational attainment and host‐country language proficiency in favor of Canada as its post‐1990 immigration policy allocated more points to the human capital of new entrants. Specifically, in 1990, new immigrants in Canada were less likely to have a B.A. degree than those in the U.S.; they were also less likely to have a highschool or lower education. By 2006, Canada surpassed the U.S. in drawing highly educated immigrants, while continuing to attract fewer low‐educated immigrants. Canada also improved its edge over the U.S. in terms of host‐country language proficiency of new immigrants. Entry‐level earnings, however, do not reflect the same trend: Recent immigrants to Canada have experienced a wage disadvantage compared to recent immigrants to the U.S., as well as Canadian natives. One plausible explanation is that while the Canadian points system has successfully attracted more educated immigrants, it may not be effective in capturing productivity‐related traits that are not easily measurable.     

‘Survival Employment’: Gender and Deskilling among African Immigrants in Canada

Recent research points to a growing gap between immigrant and native‐born outcomes in the Canadian labour market at the same time as selection processes emphasize recruiting highly educated newcomers. Drawing on interviews with well‐educated men and women who migrated from countries in sub‐Saharan Africa, this paper explores the gendered processes that produce weak economic integration in Canada. Three‐quarters of research participants experienced downward occupational mobility, with the majority employed in low‐skilled, low‐wage, insecure forms of “survival employment”. In a gendered labour market, where common demands for “Canadian experience”, “Canadian credentials” and “Canadian accents” were uneven across different sectors of the labour market, women faced particular difficulties finding “survival employment”; in the long run, however, women’s greater investment in additional post‐secondary education within Canada placed them in a somewhat better position than men. The policy implications of this study are fourfold: first, we raise questions about the efficacy of Canadian immigration policies that prioritize the recruitment of well‐educated immigrants without addressing the multiple barriers that result in deskillling; second, we question government policies and settlement practices that undermine more equitable economic integration of immigrants; third, we address the importance of tackling the “everyday racism” that immigrants experience in the Canadian labour market; and finally, we suggest the need to re‐think narrowly defined notions of economic integration in light of the gendered nature of contemporary labour markets, and immigrants’ own definitions of what constitutes meaningful integration.     

The Canada-United States joint immigration study: issues in data comparability

The Canada-US immigration project is an attempt to assess carefully the flows, trends, and characteristics of immigrants between the 2 countries. The primary focus for data is the census information derived from the 1980 US and 1981 Canadian censuses. Some observations of the comparison follow. 1) US-born immigrants tend to migrate later. 2) Immigrants have an older age structure than the total population. 3) The sex ratio pattern is similar with older migrants having lower ratios. 4) Immigration of elderly/retired is not a common pattern. 5) Changes in regional destinations is a basic feature of immigration flows. The destination of US immigrants shifted over time from northern states to southern states. Destinations of Canadian immigrants shifted over time from Quebec and prairie provinces to Ontario and British Columbia. 6) A higher proportion of US immigrants ever married and were widowed; higher proportions of Canadian immigrants divorced, and lower proportions separated. These aspects reflect age structure. 7) US immigrants' fertility is similar to the US population in general; Canadian immigrants' fertility is similar to the Canadian population in general. 8) US immigrants born in Canada have a considerably higher attainment. 9) Males aged 16-64 among US immigrants born in Canada have a consistently higher labor force participation rate. 10) Professional specialty occupations increase in importance in the 1975-1980 period in both countries. 11) Incomes of recent immigrants who were full-time, year-round workers from Canada or the US were well above the incomes of the native populations of either country. Comparability had to be examined in light of the variations built into the 2 censuses. Some of these issues are: 1) differences in sampling and collection methods, 2) differences in under/over-enumeration, 3) misreporting of country of birth, 4) differences in questions used, 5) different editing and imputation procedures applied, 6) variations in residence rules, and 7) the exclusion or inclusion of certain groups in the national census counts.     

Revisiting the digital divide in Canada: the impact of demographic factors on access to the internet,level of online activity,and social networking site usage

The present study relies on the 2010 Canadian Internet Use Survey to investigate differences in people's access to the internet and level of online activity. The study not only revisits the digital divide in the Canadian context, but also expands current investigations by including an analysis of how demographic factors affect social networking site (SNS) adoption. The findings demonstrate that access to the internet reflects existing inequalities in society with income, education, rural/urban, immigration status, and age all affecting adoption patterns. Furthermore, the results show that inequality in access to the internet is now being mimicked in the level of online activity of internet users. More recent immigrants to Canada have lower rates of internet access; however, recent immigrants who are online have significantly higher levels of online activity than Canadian born residents and earlier immigrants. Additionally, women perform fewer activities online than men. People's use of SNSs differs in terms of education, gender, and age. Women were significantly more likely to use SNSs than men. Interestingly, high school graduates had the lowest percentage of adoption compared to all other education categories. Current students were by far the group that utilized SNSs the most. Canadian born, recent, and early immigrants all showed similar adoption rates of SNSs. Age is a strong predictor of SNS usage, with young people relying heavily on SNSs in comparison to those aged 55+. The findings demonstrate that the digital divide not only persists, but has expanded to include inequality in the level of online activity and SNS usage.     

Unemployment Transitions among Brazilians in the United States and Canada

This study uses the job search framework to examine the unemployment experiences of Brazilian immigrants in the North American labour force. Primary data gathered in Canada and the United States is used in these analyses. The model generally used to monitor transitions among the native‐born was modified to make it more appropriate to the immigrant experience. To do this a composite model was constructed that incorporates variables unique to the immigrant experience. Event history analyses revealed that, in general, job search theory is very relevant for examining the transitions of immigrants. However, not all standard measures behaved as predicted (e.g. reservation wage). Several immigrant specific variables were very significant (e.g. target earner and legal status) and improved the overall model fit. Brazilians who worked primarily with other co‐ethnics were more likely to become re‐employed than those who did not, while working for a Brazilian employer had no effect on being re‐employed. US/Canadian comparisons also revealed that residents of Canada endured longer periods of unemployment. We believe this result is because Canadian residents had greater access to public services and, as such, were able to have higher reservation wages.     

Educational Attainments of Immigrant Offspring: Success or Segmented Assimilation?1

In this article, I study the educational attainments of the adult offspring of immigrants, analyzing data from the 1996 panel of the Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics (SLID). Fielded annually since 1993 by Statistics Canada, respondents are asked for the first time in 1996 to report the birthplaces of their parents, making it possible to define and study not only the foreign‐born population (the first generation), but also the second generation (Canadian born to foreign‐born parents) and the third‐plus generation (Canadian born to Canadian‐born parents). The survey also asked respondents to indicate if they are members of a visible minority group, thus permitting a limited assessment of whether or not color conditions educational achievements of immigrant offspring. I find that “1.5” and second generation adults, age 20–64 have more years of schooling and higher percentages completing high school compared with the third‐plus generation. Contrary to the segmented “underclass” assimilation model found in the United States, adult visible minority immigrant offspring in Canada exceed the educational attainments of other not‐visible‐minority groups. Although the analysis is hampered by small sample numbers, the results point to country differences in historical and contemporary race relations, and call for additional national and cross‐national research.     

Rehabilitating the Criminality of Immigrants Under Section 19 of the Canadian Immigration Act1

Immigration has historically been associated with moral entrepreneurship and xenophobia. In periods of high unemployment and global dislocation, immigrants easily become the targets of political commentators who complain of their criminality, morals, demand on public services, and competition for scarce employment. In this exercise, looking at the recidivism of immigrants who come to Canada with a previous, foreign criminal history, quite a different picture emerges. Among this random sample (N=204), 97.5 percent of immigrants granted a rehabilitation waiver under the provisions of the Canadian Immigration Act were not re‐arrested in Canada within a period of about 3.5 years after their landing was approved by the Minister. Of those who were arrested, most of the delinquency was manageable and, in fact, resulted in either an acquittal, diversion or lower‐range sanctions. This is not the kind of imagery complained of by the tabloids or critics in the body politic. It behooves us, then, to exercise care in discussing crime and immigration, as it is a subject easily prone to the creation of “moral panics” and resulting repressive legislation against persons of color.     

The Act of Reading as a Rite of Passage: Iurii Andrukhovych’s Rekreatsii

The paper uses the massive records of the Russian imperial consulates in Canada (known as the Li-Ra-Ma Collection) as well as other Russian and Canadian sources to demonstrate the role played by the tsarist diplomats in early twentieth-century immigration from the Russian Empire to Canada. It argues that while the functions of administrative and political surveillance were always a priority for the consuls, they also served as intermediaries between the immigrants and Canadian authorities and a medium of maintaining their links with the homeland. The majority of the consuls’ clientele were temporary labour migrants of Slavic origin, who resorted to the authority of the old state in resolving their problems in the host country, usually after alternative methods such as appeal to Canadian law or private agents did not bring results. Viewing all immigrants from Russia as subject to the tsar and Russian law, the consuls assumed the dual role of guardians of the immigrants’ interests and monitors of their political orientations.     

Troubling constructions of Canada as a ‘land of opportunity’ for immigrants: a critical disability lens

This article presents the findings of a critical discourse analysis study of the constructions of people with disabilities within the Canadian immigration system and how this shapes the immigration experiences of people with disabilities, especially those from countries in the Global South. Findings suggest that dominant discourses of opportunities not only construct Canada as a ‘land of dreams’ for immigrants and newcomers but are also used to hide, justify, normalize and facilitate the operation of ableist, racist and colonial discourses that immigrants and newcomers with disabilities experience during their immigration. Recommendations for settlement workers involved in facilitating the settlement and integration process for immigrants and newcomers with disabilities are also presented. The article concludes by emphasizing the actual and potential contributions of postcolonial and critical disability lenses for a social justice-oriented practice at the intersection of disability and immigration.     

National recording systems and the measurement of international migration in Canada: an assessment

This article provides a critical assessment of the adequacy of Canada's statistical sources on immigration and emigration for both scientific study and policy needs. These data collection systems are discussed: 1) registration systems, 2) the census, and 3) administrative records and surveys. The authors conclude that Canadian migration data systems have both strengths and weaknesses. The following are some of these strengths. 1) The census is a unique source of consistent, up-to-date information on the immigrant stock. 2) Surveys provide insights on attitudes towards immigrants. 3) Citizenship data tell how many immigrants have acquired Canadian citizenship. 4) When data gaps were noticed, special efforts were made to fill them. The following are some of the data systems' weaknesses. 1) The most significant weakness is the absence of data on the characteristics of emigrants and their destination. 2) Information on returning residents is limited. 3) Undocumented immigrants defy documentation and very little is known on this group. 4) There are only skimpy data on refugee claimants. 5) There are few analyses of the differential fertility, mortality, and nuptiality patterns of the immigrants and the Canadian born. 6) The rate of return of immigrants is unknown. 7) The number of Canadian students abroad and their field of study is unknown. 8) Information on change of status and enforcement is limited. 9) The de facto population of Canada is unknown since Statistics Canada enumerates and estimates only the de jure population. 10) Lack of coordination among the multiple agencies that collect data is a major weakness; data are often unavailable in the form in which, or time when, it is required.     

Immigrants working with co‐ethnics: Who are they and how do they fare?

Participation in ethnic economies has been regarded as an alternative avenue of economic adaptation for immigrants and minorities in major immigrant‐receiving countries. This study examines one important dimension of ethnic economies: co‐ethnic concentration at the workplace. Using a large national representative sample from Statistics Canada’s 2002 Ethnic Diversity Survey, this study addresses four questions: (1) what is the level of co‐ethnic concentration at the workplace for Canada’s minority groups? (2) How do workers who share the same ethnicity with most of their co‐workers differ from other workers in socio‐demographic characteristics? (3) Is higher level of co‐ethnic concentration at the workplace associated with lower earnings? (4) Is higher level of co‐ethnic concentration at the workplace associated with higher levels of life satisfaction? The results show that only a small proportion of immigrants and the Canadian‐born work in ethnically homogeneous settings. In Canada’s eight largest metropolitan areas about 10 per cent of non‐British/French immigrants share a same ethnic origin with the majority of their co‐workers. The level is as high as 20 per cent among Chinese immigrants and 18 per cent among Portuguese immigrants. Among Canadian‐born minority groups, the level of co‐ethnic workplace concentration is about half the level for immigrants. Immigrant workers in ethnically concentrated settings have much lower educational levels and proficiency in English/French. Immigrant men who work mostly with co‐ethnics on average earn about 33 per cent less than workers with few or none co‐ethnic coworkers. About two thirds of this gap is attributable to differences in demographic and job characteristics. Meanwhile, immigrant workers in ethnically homogenous settings are less likely to report low levels of life satisfaction than other immigrant workers. Among the Canadian‐born, co‐ethnic concentration is not consistently associated with earnings and life satisfaction.     

Economic adaptation of refugees in Canada: experience of a quarter century

This paper examines the economic adaptation, in terms of employment and income, for 400,000 refugees, mainly displaced persons, Hungarians, Czechoslovaks, Ugandan Asians, Chileans, and Indochinese, in Canada during the last 25 years. The author looks at 1) east in obtaining a first job, 2) unemployment, 3) wives' employment, 4) job search techniques, and 5) occupation. Economic climate largely determines the time needed to find a first job. 55% of Hungarian refugees in 1957-58 found a job within a month; only 30% of Czechoslovak refugees in 1968-69 found a job within a month. Refugees and regular immigrants have higher unemployment than native Canadians; but the rate drops dramatically within a few years. Employment and unemployment for refugees is influenced by 1) prevailing labor market conditions, 2) English and/or French language proficiency, 3) sympathy by the population for the refugees, 4) support by people of the same ethnic group, and 5) the refugees' own adaptability. Survey results show that more refugee wives are employed than Canadian born wives; over 69% of Chilean refugee women worked in 1975-76. Most refugees use the Canada Employment Center, and informal channels such as "word of mouth" and friends and relatives to find jobs. Lack of qualifications and experience, and lack of language proficiency hinder many refugees in finding jobs for which they have trained. Income is an indicator of the success of refugee economic adaptation. Refugees, like regular immigrants, have lower than average income levels in their first years in Canada; however, they often earn more than the Canadian born after the difficult first years. Family incomes, because of female labor force participation, may widen the differences even more. Although many refugees are not working in their intended professions, most refugee groups have adjusted well economically in Canada.     

Continental European immigrant workers in Canada 1896–1919: from ‘stalwart peasants' to radical proletariat*

Les intérpretations traditionnelles de l'immigration européenne au Canada entre 1896 et 1919 et de l'expérience de ces immigrants au Canada durant cette période sont mises en question. L'auteur écarte l'idée que la plupart des immigrants se sont établis sur des terres et conclut plutôt que beaucoup d'entre eux sont devenus des travailleurs industriels non spécialisés. L'auteur fait également ressortir les tensions ethniques et de classes sérieuses qui se sont développées entre le travailleur «étranger» et la communauté d'affaires anglocanadienne, surtout durant la première guerre mondiale et le «Red Scare’ de 1919. En effet, c'est en réaction au radicalisme apparent de plusieurs travailleurs immigrès que le Bill sur l'immigration fut amendé de façon dramatique au printemps de 1919. Les immigrants qui pronaient des idées bolchéviques ont été non seulement exclus du pays mais furent aussi déportés en vitesse. Pour un temps, la politique d'immigration canadienne fut défini davantage en fonction de critères ethniques, culturels et idéologiques qu'en fonction des critères de valeur économique. This paper challenges the traditional interpretation of European immigration to Canada between 1896 and 1919 and the Canadian experience of these immigrants in this period. The author rejects the view that most of the European immigrants settled on the land; instead, he concludes that large numbers became unskilled industrial workers. The author also emphasizes the serious class and ethnic tension which developed between the ‘foreign’ worker and the Anglo-Canadian business community, especially during the First World War and the ‘Red Scare’ of 1919. Indeed, in response to the apparent radicalism of many immigrant workers the Immigration Act was dramatically altered in the spring of 1919. Immigrants who advocated Bolshevist ideas were not only excluded from the country, but were also subject to rapid deportation. Ethnic, cultural, and ideological acceptability became temporarily a more important factor than economic utility in determining Canadian immigration policy.     

Immigrant voter turnout and time: Does period of arrival matter more than length of stay?

Research shows that the longer immigrants have been in their settlement country, the more likely they are to vote. This study examines whether when immigrants arrived, rather than how long they have resided, is the critical determinant of their electoral participation. Using Canadian data covering a 45-year time span, this study demonstrates that the apparent relationship between immigrants' length of residence and their propensity to vote in elections is a result of the enduring influence of the historical period in which immigrants arrived in Canada. The results have implications for how researchers interpret immigrant adaptation to new political settings.     

An Auction Model of Canadian Temporary Immigration for the 21st Century

Temporary Canadian immigration has grown beyond traditional programs for students, caregivers and agricultural workers to include trade-related temporary visas under NAFTA and the GATS. Current Canadian debates envision supplanting Canada's permanent immigration programme with a temporary visa programme to remove skill shortages. Several questions emerge under these temporary schemes including who should choose the number of temporary immigrants and under what employment conditions. This paper offers an alternative policy to the current government-determined quota on temporary visas to answer these two questions. Under the proposed scheme offered in this paper, a Canadian worker can place a job voucher up for auction on the Internet. If the Canadian worker finds an acceptable offer for his one-year (or less) voucher, then the temporary immigrant is permitted to seek a job in Canada. Thus, under this auction scheme Canadian workers are compensated for the presence of temporary immigrants, and the actual number of temporary immigrants admitted depends on the total number of Canadian workers who sell their vouchers, not on a government fat.     

Occupational Mobility Among Legal Immigrants to the United States1

Using data from the New Immigrant Survey Pilot, which follows immigrants for one year after receiving green cards, occupation in the U.S. is compared with that of the last job abroad. Fifty percent of immigrants experience downgrading. Among the highest‐skilled immigrants from Latin America and the Caribbean, more than three‐fourths end up in lower‐skilled jobs than what they had abroad. Human capital acquired in Latin America and the Caribbean is valued less than that from Europe, Australia, and Canada in the U.S. labor market, while immigrants with some U.S. education can increase the returns to that acquired previously abroad.     

The Homeownership Hierarchies of Canada and the United States: The Housing Patterns of White and Non‐White Immigrants of the Past Thirty Years1

In this paper two gaps in North American immigrant homeownership research are addressed. The first concerns the lack of studies (especially in Canada) that identify changes in homeownership rates by skin color over time, and the second relates to the shortage of comparative research between Canada and the United States on this topic. In this paper the homeownership levels and attainment rates of Black, Chinese, Filipino, White, and South Asian immigrants are compared in Canada and the United States for 1970/1971–2000/2001. For the most part, greater similarities than differences are found between the two countries. Both Canadian and U.S. Chinese and White immigrants have the highest adjusted homeownership rates of all groups, at times even exceeding comparably positioned native‐born households. Black immigrants, on the other hand, tend to have the lowest ownership rates of all groups, particularly in the United States, with Filipinos and South Asians situated between these extremes. Most of these differences stem from disparities that exist at arrival, however, and not from differential advancement into homeownership.