Populism? Minor parties and independents in the Australian Federal Parliament, 1945–2016

The election of four One Nation Senators at the 2016 Australian Federal election has been seen as part of a world–wide rise of populist movements that criticizes main stream politics and rejects pluralism, putting forward single concepts of “the people”, that the movements claim to represent. While it is clear that Australian voters, like voters elsewhere, have been seeking alternatives to the major parties, it is less clear that the preferred alternatives fit this populist framework. Australia provides a good case study as the Australian electoral system makes it relatively easy for independents and minor parties to be elected to Parliament. This paper examines all independents and minor party candidates successfully elected in 2016 and at previous Australian Federal elections to determine whether the alternatives to the main stream parties elected since 1945 fit anti-pluralist populist models. It is concluded that, with the exception of the One Nation Party, most of the independents and minor party candidates elected to the Australian Federal Parliament have not fitted such models. However many of those elected do present a challenge to the electoral claims of the major parties. The article concludes by considering the implications of these findings for representative democracy.     

Participants in the nuclear weapons freeze movement

Explanations of why people participate in social movements are usually ad hoc combinations of ideology, social support, and ecological factors. This survey of Californians active in the nuclear freeze movement found that rather than structural isolation, as suggested by collective behavior tradition, the participants displayed links to Democratic Party organizations and the previous anti-Vietnam War movement. At least some social movements may become institutionalized to the degree that paradigms from areas such as political sociology of institutions are needed. Social movements may have evolved beyond their earlier collective behavior origins.     

革命目标的裂变与群众路线的转向:1940年代中共妇女政策的温和化

中国共产党是倡导性别平等的马克思主义革命党，其一度激进的妇女政策在1940年代却发生了温和化转向。抗日战争开始后，革命根据地内阶级矛盾的缓和与劳动力的相对充裕使激进的妇女政策成本上升、收益下降。抗战中期，国民党的“限共”政策给中共战争资源汲取带来了压力，引发了党群关系的变化。为缓和党群关系，中国共产党在非阶级斗争形势下实施了群众路线，通过组织群众劳动生产以扩大总产出。在组织群众劳动生产的过程中，性别差异和性别分工被强调，激进妇女政策的路径依赖被打破而随之温和化。中国共产党妇女政策的温和化重新平衡了革命的中心性目标与原则性目标，重新平衡了男性群众的利益偏好与女性群众的生理特性。     

Social inclusion under Labor in South Australia

Social inclusion policies were championed by the former Rann Labor government in South Australia from 2002 to 2011. In 2011 the Social Inclusion Unit was dissolved by the South Australian government. It is argued that the relatively narrow focus of the former SIU on ‘problem’ communities limited its capacity to provide more than residual solutions. The diminishing political returns on social inclusion also encouraged the South Australian government to abandon this initiative. In 2014 this government has had to grapple with the end of car making in Australia and a declining manufacturing labour force, traditionally a ‘mainstream’ constituency of the Labor Party. The return to ‘mainstreaming’ social policy in South Australia might offer limited space for realignment of social policy with the concept of social citizenship. It might also represent a move away from the functionalist morality of social inclusion. Social inclusion as practiced in South Australia has limited capacity to address generalised social disadvantage. The latter is likely to concern a re‐elected Labor minority government grappling with significant job losses and a declining local economy.     

Integrated services in Australian early childhood education and care: what can we learn from our past?

Recent Australian interest in the integration of early childhood services is largely informed by international research and policy developments, particularly from the United Kingdom. Service integration is widely recognised as an effective means of holistically meeting the needs of children and families and ameliorating disadvantage. What is less well known is that Australia has a history of integrated early childhood services. This paper focuses on three points in 20th century Australia when advocacy for integrated early childhood service provision was evident: post‐World War I when the first Mother and Baby Welfare Clinic was established; during the late 1930s to mid 1940s with the advent of the Lady Gowrie Centres; and in the 1970s when several reports recommended the integration and co‐ordination of early years services. Attending to this history acknowledges this innovative Australian work, and provides potentially valuable, and somewhat cautionary, lessons for contemporary advocacy for integrated early childhood services.     

From New Labour to Rudd/Gillard – transferring social policy

ABSTRACT

From 2007 to 2010, there were national Labour governments in Britain and Australia, the longest and only third time this had occurred since the second World War. The period of New Labour was closing in the UK, and in Australia the Rudd government came to power after 11 years in opposition, directly influenced by the, at times, trailblazing UK Labour government. In the domain of social policy, New Labour was a source of policy inspiration and transfer. Specifically, the Rudd/Gillard governments borrowed heavily its ‘social exclusion’ agenda, and also the use of ‘compacts’ with the third sector. This article examines the policy diffusion and transfer between the UK and Australia, and in doing so offers critical insights into the policy transfer literature. The article examines the reasons for the Australian Labor Party's adoption of these policies, and links this to wider dilemmas and identity crisis that are afflicting centre-left governments across the globe.     

新西兰参加英布战争的原因、表现与影响

爆发于1899年至1902年结束的英布战争是一场具有多重意义的世纪之战,它不仅改变了英国的海外扩张格局和布尔人及南非的命运,也对参战国产生了深刻影响。出于与英国的特殊关系、自身安全的需要、对南非政局判断的偏差以及国内反战力量薄弱等方面的因素,新西兰成为第一个参战的英殖民地国家,并从军事、医疗、教育和物资保障等方面积极援助英国。新西兰的参战及其表现导致其国内的爱国主义思想空前高涨、妇女社会地位明显提高,与英国的关系却日趋疏远,直至彻底自治独立。     

中澳关系为何由“冷”转“热”

2009年中澳关系经历了由“冷”到“热”的转变。这种转变是由多方面原因促成的。仅从澳大利亚方面来看,维护与中国的友好关系符合它融入亚洲的题中之义及其在亚太地区的战略利益。改善与中国的关系有利于澳大利亚开拓在华商品市场,从而促进其国内经济发展。而陆克文本人也急于证明在发展对华关系方面,他领导的工党并不像反对党所指责的那样束手无策。     

陈独秀武装斗争思想的发展轨迹

陈独秀的武装斗争思想,经历了建党初期轻视、革命高潮时期重视、革命危机时期放弃和抗日战争时期升华这样一个曲折而又复杂的发展过程。他的武装斗争思想几乎是与中国共产党领导中国革命所走过的曲折道路平行发展的,因此,也是全面总结中国共产党历史经验教训所不可忽略的重要方面。     

论抗日民族解放战争中的毛泽东

抗日战争是中国近代以来第一次取得完全胜利的反侵略战争,在抗日民族解放战争中,毛泽东正确地分析了全面抗战爆发后的形势和党面临的任务,适时领导我党我军实行军事战略的转变;科学地预见抗战历史进程;系统地阐明了持久战的理论和抗日游击战争的战略方针;在总结统一战线工作的经验教训的基础上,制定了抗日民族统一战线的策略总方针,完整地提出了同国民党顽固派斗争的政策和策略;全面总结了中国革命的经验教训,系统地论述了新民主主义革命理论;创造性地发动整风运动,使全党在马克思主义基础上达到了空前的团结和统一;领导召开党的第七次全国代表大会,制定出打败日本侵略者解放全国人民的政治路线和纲领,为抗日战争的胜利和夺取新民主主义在全国的胜利奠定了基础。     

Inequalities of Gender and Health 1857–1985: A Long‐run Perspective from the Melbourne Lying‐In Hospital Birth Cohort

This paper reviews the Australian historical record in health and gender inequalities since the mid nineteenth century through to the end of the twentieth century, using survival data from an historical cohort of impoverished people born in the Melbourne Lying‐In Hospital between 1857 and 1900. This data reveals the long shadow cast by disadvantage in early life and the critical importance of secure households in supporting infancy and childhood. Above all, the income security and support of mothers, was critical to survival of infants and children, and those households trapped in the casual economy, remained the most vulnerable to premature death. Only the improvements in labour force regulation, government employment and trade education after World War II, broke the cycle of poverty that had persisted in Australia since the earliest days of European settlement.     

What has happened to Australia's public housing? Thirty years of policy and outcomes, 1981 to 2011

This paper uses the release of the 2011 Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) census results and other recent and historical data sets to explore how Australian public housing has changed over the period 1981–2011. It summarises the contextual factors that have influenced housing provision and consumption in Australia over the past thirty years. The overall supply trends by tenure for Australia and each capital city are set out, followed by analysis of the demographics of public housing tenants, including age, household type, income, mobility, and workforce participation. Issues identified in the paper include insufficient stock and increasingly targeted households, representing a social and financial problem for housing agencies. The current stock is ill‐adapted to tenants' needs; if housing agencies re‐profile the housing to meet such needs, then they risk creating inflexible stock. The paper concludes with reflection on the future of public housing in Australia.     

UNEMPLOYMENT BENEFITS AND UNEMPLOYMENT IN AUSTRALIA, 1950–89

Although the incidence of unemployment in Australia is well established, the causes of unemployment remain controversial. Various putative causes for unemployment exist, including the unemployment benefits system. The present study sought to estimate the impact of the generosity of Australian unemployment benefits on the measured unemployment rate of three recipient groups, single adult males over 21, married males, and married males with two children, for the period 1950 to 1989 inclusive. The results of this statistical exercise are largely consistent with similar work done in Australia and elsewhere; namely, that while unemployment benefits did increase the measured rate for unemployment during the period 1950 to 1989 to a statistically significant degree, other stronger influences on unemployment were evident.     

1945-1947年中国城市学生运动区位研究

1945-1947年，国民党统治区爆发了三次大规模的学生运动，分别形成以昆明、北平、南京为中心城市的三个学生斗争的集中区域。三大区域的形成，既体现了近代中国社会发展不平衡的一般规律，也表现出不同区域的各自特点，显示了不同的政治力量在不同时期、不同地区产生的不同影响。考察影响战后中国城市学生运动的区位因素及内在联系，将三次学生运动高潮和三大斗争区域做历史的比较，对于认识中国共产党在不同时期和环境下，如何制定科学的方针和实施有效的斗争策略，具有积极的意义。     

Framing microfinance in Australia – gender neutral or gender blind?

In Australia, microfinance is gaining visibility as a distinct poverty alleviation strategy. Within the Australian microfinance policy and program discourses, the microfinance sector is framed as targeting both men and women equally. Yet at the practice level, the majority of loan recipients are women. Such a gender neutral framing is in stark contrast to microfinance policy and practices developed elsewhere. This paper explores how gender is represented in microfinance policy and practice in Australia, drawing on an analysis of the policy and practice statements of Australian microfinance programs. It is argued that the robust feminist assessments of the relationship between microfinance and gender equality that have emerged in developing countries could usefully inform Australian developments in this area of social policy, but that this shift requires acknowledging gender in the framing of the problem Australian microfinance seeks to address.     

两伊战争对伊拉克复兴党政权影响新论

两伊战争对复兴党政权的影响主要表现在政治、经济、意识形态和社会层面。在政治层面,复兴党政府和军事行动加速专业化;国家的集权统治达到了史无前例的地步;民主的表面化;国内反对派对复兴党政权威胁加大。在经济层面,两伊战争的经济形态后果是私有化的盛行,其目的却是政治性的;经济重建面临难题;债务问题;油价危机。在意识形态层面,通过伊拉克爱国主义来增加对战争的合法性;争取什叶派的支持;放弃泛阿拉伯主义;对哈希姆君主制王朝的重新认可。在社会层面的影响主要体现在城乡经济结构、劳动力市场和社会阶级结构的变动。     

How many Australian veterans are homeless? Reporting prevalence findings and method from a national study

This article presents findings from an Australian study of veteran homelessness (Hilferty, Katz et al. 2019). The AHURI Inquiry into Homelessness Amongst Australian Veterans was funded by the Department of Veterans' Affairs (DVA) to estimate the number of homeless veterans and to examine veterans' pathways into homelessness, service usage patterns and ways that service responses may be improved. This article presents the prevalence findings and describes the method employed by the research team. Drawing on primary data and extrapolating results to a larger sample of veterans, the researchers estimate that approximately 5,800 contemporary veterans experience homelessness over a 12‐month period in Australia. This estimate – the first ever to be based on primary data – indicates that veteran homelessness is a much larger problem than previously estimated and deserves priority attention from policymakers and sectoral representatives.     

From Assistance to Prevention: Categorizing Young Carer Support Services in Australia,and International Implications

Young people who provide unpaid care for a relative with chronic illness or disability are a growing focus of public policy and research in Australia and internationally. Support services for these young carers have emerged, but not enough is known about their effectiveness. This article develops an analytical framework that categorizes young carer support services according to their goals and the types of intervention provided. The analytical framework is based on Australian data. It is applied to young carer support services available in Australia but may be applicable to other countries. The aim of the framework is to provide a structure for assessing the effectiveness of current services in supporting young carers by clarifying service goals and identifying gaps in existing service provision. The framework contributes to conceptual discussions about young carer supports, and it can be used to guide future policy development. The article draws on Australian and international literature as well as findings from a recent Australian study on young carers. The proposed framework groups young carer support services according to three overarching goals: assisting young people who provide care; mitigating the care‐giving responsibility; and preventing the entrenchment of a young person's caring role. The framework is applied to an audit of Australian support services for young carers, illustrating how it can be used to assess existing supports for young carers and inform future policy development. The findings suggest that most services in Australia fall into the categories of assistance and mitigation, while few contain preventative elements.     

The Australian Social Inclusion Agenda: A New Approach to Social Policy?

The Social Inclusion Agenda (‘SIA’) was introduced by the Australian Labor Party (‘ALP’) in the lead up to the 2007 federal election. The rhetoric was hopeful, proposing to reframe the government's approach to disadvantage. Rhetoric aside, what the then opposition meant when it talked of building social inclusion (‘SI’) was less clear than may have immediately met the eye. This paper offers an introductory analysis and review of the SIA. It first considers why Australia might benefit from a readjustment in its social policy direction, reflecting on the concepts of poverty and Amartya Sen's ‘capabilities approach‘. Second, it offers a critical overview of the main conceptions of SI/Social Exclusion. Third, it applies these first two parts of analysis to developments to date with the SIA. This part, whilst limited in scope and preliminary at best, offers some general comments as to the possibilities and pitfalls of the SIA and proposes the way forward from an analytical perspective in terms of guiding the SIA in a desirable direction.     

The institutional design of the Australian Welfare State

This paper seeks to compare and contrast the character of social policy in Australia with that in other OECD countries by focusing on the distinctive design features of the institutions constituting the wider context of Australian social policy provision. The three substantive sections of the paper successively summarize the distinguishing features of the institutional design of Welfare State provision in continental western Europe, Scandinavia and Australia; outline the wider institutional context of social policy in Australia; and examine the extent to which the distinctiveness of the institutional design of the Australian Welfare State has led to different patterns of policy outcomes from those in other nations.