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1.
Ruth Simpson 《Sociological Forum》1996,11(3):549-562
Perceptions of safety and danger are “intersubjective”—products of social construction, collective agreement, and socialization.
While objective danger certainly exists, perceptions of danger do not derive directly from observation of the empirical world.
The objective environment provides only inconsistent and ambiguous information, permitting ample room for socially constructed
beliefs. Three cognitive frameworks—the Cautious, Confident, and Neutral frameworks—organize perceptions of safety and danger.
Each framework begins with a default assumption about safety and danger and “marks” certain items as different from this default.
In shaping expectations, these frameworks also contribute to perceptions of horror, humor, excitement, and fear. Finally,
I use these frameworks to analyze the psychological concept “phobia” as a sociological phenomenon. 相似文献
2.
Much recent literature plumbs the question of the origins and trajectories of “place,” or the cultural development of space-specific
repertoires of action and meaning. This article examines divergence in two “places” that were once quite similar but are now
quite far apart, culturally and politically speaking. Vermont, once considered the “most Republican” state in the United States,
is now generally considered one of its most politically and culturally liberal. New Hampshire, by contrast, has remained politically
and socially quite conservative. Contrasting legacies of tourist promotion, political mobilization, and public policy help
explain the divergence between states. We hypothesize that emerging stereotypes about a “place” serve to draw sympathetic
residents and visitors to that place, thus reinforcing the salience of those stereotypes and contributing to their reality
over time. We term this latter process idio-cultural migration and argue its centrality to ongoing debates about the accomplishment of place. We also elaborate on several means by which
such place “reputations” are created, transmitted, and maintained. 相似文献
3.
This article focuses on Malawian sex workers’ understandings of exchange and intimacy, showing how multiple historically emergent
categories and specific work pragmatics produce specific patterns of relational meanings. As we show, sex workers make sense
of their relationships with clients through two categories. The first is sex work; the second is the chibwenzi, an intimate premarital relational category that emerged from pre-colonial transformations in courtship practices. These
categories, in turn, are also shaped differently in different work settings. We use narratives from in-depth interviews with
45 sex workers and bar managers in southern Malawi to describe how the everyday pragmatics of two forms of sex work—performed
by “bargirls” and “freelancers”—foster distinct understandings of relationships between them and men they have sex with. Bargirls,
who work and live in bars, blurred the boundaries between “regulars” and chibwenzi; freelancers, who are not tethered to a specific work environment, often subverted the meanings of the chibwenzi, presenting these relationships as both intimate and emotionally distant. Through this comparison, we thus refine an approach
to the study of the intimacy-exchange nexus, and use it to capture the complexities of gender relations in post-colonial Malawi. 相似文献
4.
Serge-Christophe Kolm 《Journal of Economic Inequality》2011,9(3):329-352
Deriving comparisons and measures of inequality from full ethical foundations was a main innovation of the 1960s and pursuing
it is still a most fruitful direction. This implies using “equal equivalents” and some principles particularly rich in meanings.
Multidimensional inequalities can be measured and compared thanks to the “equal-equivalent manifolds”. The “equal-equivalent
utility function” defines individual “welfare” cleaned of differences in sui generis individual tastes and hedonic capacities deemed irrelevant for “macrojustice”. Then, equal allocation is a deeper end-value
than equal welfare but has to be complemented by free choice for freedom, Pareto efficiency and a demanded partial self-ownership.
The result is the richly multi-meaning “equal-labour income equalization”. 相似文献
5.
N. Will Shead David C. Hodgins 《Journal of gambling studies / co-sponsored by the National Council on Problem Gambling and Institute for the Study of Gambling and Commercial Gaming》2009,25(3):357-375
Factor scores on a gambling expectancy questionnaire (GEQ) were used to subtype 132 university students who gamble regularly
(37.9% male; M age = 22.6 years, SD = 6.04) as: Reward Expectancy Gamblers (Reward EGs)—have strong expectations that gambling
augments positive mood, Relief Expectancy Gamblers (Relief EGs)—have strong expectations that gambling relieves negative affect,
and Non-Expectancy Gamblers (Non-EGs)—have neither strong expectation. Gambling on a high-low card game was compared across
subtypes following priming for either “relief” or “reward” affect-regulation expectancies with the Scrambled Sentence Test
(SST). The hypothesized Prime type × GEQ subtype interaction was not significant. When a more stringent set of criteria for
GEQ subtyping was imposed, the “purified” sub-sample (n = 54) resulted in the hypothesized statistically significant Prime type × GEQ subtype interaction. Relief EGs gambled more
after being primed with the construct “relief of negative emotions” compared to after being primed with the construct “augmentation
of positive emotion.” Planned orthogonal contrasts showed a significant linear increase in number of bets made across GEQ
subtypes when prime type corresponded to GEQ subtype. The results suggest a need for components in gambling treatment programs
that address clients’ expectancies that gambling can provide a specific desirable emotional outcome. 相似文献
6.
Stacy Thompson 《Cultural Studies》2013,27(6):895-921
In this article I offer an unfashionably ideological critique. I argue that, in the USA, ideology now appears in the form of the narratives that capitalism tells itself about itself, in particular at sites of commodity consumption. I examine three everyday sites in which capitalism constructs an Imaginary version of itself as it exhorts contemporary consumers to consume ethically: during a visit to a Target Superstore; on an overnight stay in a hotel room; and while purchasing a bag of fair trade coffee. In these moments and at these sites, corporations instruct us in the ‘ethical’ use of their commodities, and obeying those instructions promotes us to the rank of ‘consumer activist’. This article attempts to explain how this ‘ethical consumption’ – a form of what I call ‘micro-ethics’ – has displaced more social, or ‘macro’, forms of ethical action. To make my case, I argue that globalized capitalism denies many of us the social coordinates, or handholds, that are necessary if we are to feel that we can act meaningfully within the Symbolic Order, or social reality itself. This ‘deworlding’ effect, as Alain Badiou calls it, encourages us to reject social forms of ethical and political life and to retreat to a careful policing of the Imaginary boundaries of our ‘inner selves’ instead. In other words, global capitalism logically produces, as its own ideological support and supplement, a micro-ethics that attends only to what the single person can do, and only within the realm of consumption. We participate in this fantasy version of ‘eco-capitalism’ that advertising, publicity and other discourses establish to the extent that we accept consumption as the ultimate horizon of our ability to intervene in problems of ecological depredation and the exploitation of labour in the First and Third Worlds. 相似文献
7.
Hendrik Jürges 《Review of Economics of the Household》2006,4(4):299-323
The paper studies the relevance of gender ideology for the geographic mobility of families using data from the German Socio-economic
Panel. The analysis proceeds in two steps. First, it is shown that single men and women—who are in some sense “unconstrained”
optimizers—reveal identical mobility patterns. There are no fundamental gender differences in the inter-regional mobility
of German singles. Second, I focus on dual-earner households and split this group into “traditional” and “egalitarian” couples
using information on their factual division of housework rather than their reported gender ideology. Separate migration analyses
for both groups reveal important differences indicating the significance of gender ideology in families’ migration behavior:
job-related characteristics of men statistically dominate those of women in traditional couples, whereas in egalitarian couples,
male and female characteristics have the same effect on family migration behavior, i.e. there is no gender bias. Failure to
account for the heterogeneity in gendered family roles across families thus misses an important explanatory factor in migration
research.
相似文献
8.
Michael Lynch 《The American Sociologist》2012,43(1):67-75
This essay is an appreciation of Melvin Pollner’s distinctive sociological approach to topics that are usually associated
with philosophy. Pollner’s dissertation and early writings took up the theme of “mundane reason,” which he defined as an incorrigible
presumption of a real world that is implicit in everyday conduct. Pollner addressed mundane reason, and the reciprocal idea
of “reality disjunctures”—momentary divergences between perceptual accounts of the “same” mundane reality—by describing routine
exchanges in traffic court and confrontations between doctors and patients in psychiatric settings. Pollner’s work anticipated
current enthusiasms for developing novel “ontologies” in social and cultural studies of science, medicine, and other subjects.
Although he did attempt to locate metaphysics in the midst of everyday experience, this essay suggests that his “philosophy
on the ground” radically transformed philosophical ontology into an original and imaginative way to investigate constitutive
activities. 相似文献
9.
Zsuzsanna Vargha 《Theory and Society》2010,39(2):203-243
This article investigates a puzzle in the rapidly evolving profession of advertising in post-socialist Hungary: young professionals
who came of age during the shift to market-driven practices want to produce advertising that is uncompromised by clients and
consumers, and to educate others about western modernity. It is their older colleagues—trained during customer-hostile socialism—who emphasize that
good professionals serve their clients’ needs. These unexpected generational positions show that 1) professions are more than groups expanding their
jurisdiction. They are fields structured by two conflicting demands: autonomy of expertise and dependence on clients. We can explain the puzzle by noting
that actors are positioning themselves on one or the other side based on their trajectory or movement in the field relative to other actors. Old and new groups vie for power in the transforming post-socialist professional
field, responding to each other’s claims and vulnerabilities, exploiting the professional field’s contradictory demands on
its actors. 2) The struggle is not between those who are oriented to the west and those that are not. Rather, the west is
both the means and the stake of the struggle over historical continuity and professional power. Imposing a definition of the
west is almost the same as imposing a definition of the profession on the field. In this historical case, “field” appears
less as a stable structure based on actors’ equipment with capital, than as dynamic relations moved forward by contestation
of the field’s relevant capital. 相似文献
10.
Brad Lowell Stone 《The American Sociologist》2008,39(1):68-85
Orthodox neo-Darwinians have typically sought to explain human pro-social behavior by invoking kin altruism and reciprocal
altruism, principles that explain the pro-social behavior of non-human species. These principles, however, do not account
for those features of our species that are most unique and of greatest importance to sociologists—our group identities and
behavior, our cognitive and behavioral plasticity, our capacity for social learning and cumulative culture, among other things.
This article describes the efforts of “dual inheritance” theorists to overcome the deficiencies of orthodox neo-Darwinism
by developing an evolutionary theory of culture, a theory that also seeks to account for human “groupishness,” intelligence,
language use, empathy, morality and religion. The article asserts that dual inheritance theory accommodates most of the traditional
research interests of sociologists while proving a robust explanatory framework and that sociologists are positioned especially
well to contribute to the study of the evolution of culture. 相似文献
11.
We qualify a social choice correspondence as resolute when its set valued outcomes are interpreted as mutually compatible alternatives which are altogether chosen. We refer to
such sets as “committees” and analyze the manipulability of resolute social choice correspondences which pick fixed size committees.
When the domain of preferences over committees is unrestricted, the Gibbard–Satterthwaite theorem—naturally—applies. We show
that in case we wish to “reasonably” relate preferences over committees to preferences over committee members, there is no
domain restriction which allows escaping Gibbard–Satterthwaite type of impossibilities. We also consider a more general model
where the range of the social choice rule is determined by imposing a lower and an upper bound on the cardinalities of the
committees. The results are again of the Gibbard–Satterthwaite taste, though under more restrictive extension axioms. 相似文献
12.
Norman K. Denzin 《The American Sociologist》2002,33(2):105-117
“The claim that all the world’s a stage is sufficiently commonplace for readers to be familiar with its limitations and tolerant
of its presentation.” (Goffman 1959, 72, 254)
“Given that the logic of privatization....now odiously shapes archetypes of citizenship, [and] manages our perceptions of
what constitute the ‘good society’....it stands to reason that new ethnographic research approaches must take global capitalism
not as an end point of analysis, but as a starting point.” (Kincheloe and McLaren 2000, 304)
“My abhorrence of neoliberalism helps to explain my legitimate anger when I speak of the injustices to which the ragpickers
among humanity are condemned. It also explains my total lack of interest in any pretension of impartiality, I am not impartial,
or objective...[this] does not prevent me from holding always a rigorously ethical position.” (Freire 1998, 22) 相似文献
13.
Olav Helge Angell 《Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations》2008,19(3):296-315
The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate and explain how a Norwegian voluntary, faith-based organization—the Gospel Centre
of Norway (Pinsevennenes Evangeliesenter)—successfully substituted a “network” for “market” strategy vis-à-vis the public sector in order to obtain organizational
legitimacy and financial security. During the first decade of its existence it obtained a unique position in its relationship
with the state, as a separate item in the budget of the Ministry of Health and Social Affairs. The organization operates in
the field of substance abuse rehabilitation, i.e., in a situation where instrumental effectiveness is difficult to assess.
In such a situation ritual or other institutional criteria may replace effectiveness criteria and impression management is
shown to be a successful strategy. Attention is paid to the relevant environmental conditions under which this organizational
change of strategy was successful.
相似文献
Olav Helge AngellEmail: |
14.
Communication problems in the intensive care unit 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
Albert B. Robillard 《Qualitative sociology》1994,17(4):383-395
Hospitalization in an intensive care unit is often physically uncomfortable and socially disorganizing. The ordinary forms
of conversational participation that generate and sustain a sense of agency are breached when the patient cannot communicate
in socially consensual “real time.” Using my own experience in an intensive care unit, I describe how delayed speech, through
the use of an alphabet board, frequently leads to a host of interactional problems and mutual accusations about character.
I attempt to show that the fabric of self and the perception of quality of care are achieved through “real time” communication.
I also describe the differential communicative structure of those who will not and those who will use my alphabet board. Those
using the board exhibit, through board employment and through the “local” topics discussed, a depth of common culture between
them and me. 相似文献
15.
16.
Three explanations have been advanced to account for the generalized action potential of contemporary protest movements: the
rise of the new class, a set of general social trends that cumulatively lead to liberalized social values and loosened social
restraints against protest, and the mobilization of excluded groups. Analyzing three dimensions of generalized action potential—protest
potential, political action repertoires, and protest movement support—we find support for all three explanations. Educated
salaried professionals, especially sociocultural and public sector professionals, display greater protest potential, especially
for civil disobedience, and are supportive of emerging “middle class” movements. A set of general social trends centering
on increased education, life-cycle and generational change, secularism, and increased women's autonomy also create greater
action potential. Reflecting mobilization against political exclusion, African Americans display a consistently strong generalized
action potential. These protests reflect the rise of new political repertoires, particularly “protest activism,” which combines
protest with high levels of conventional participation and is centered among the more educated. 相似文献
17.
Marcel Fournier 《The American Sociologist》2002,33(1):42-54
Quebec sociology and Quebec society are categorically distinct from other sociologies and countries. Both are “communities,”
both have French-speaking majorities, and both exist in Anglo-Saxon environments. As well, Quebec sociology has always been
and continues to be obsessed by the national question. Interpretations proposed by sociologists—predominantly French-speaking—of
and about the Quebec Question have never been independent of the struggles in which they have taken place. In fact, sociological
readings of nationalism in Quebec appear to be a direct consequence of their social position and relationship with political
power. Through the prism of sociology, the French-speaking collectivity in Canada has been, successively and simultaneously,
characterized through categories of race, ethnic group, society, and nation. 2
This article presents five ways in which sociologists have represented Quebec society. First, the Pioneers: Léon Gérin and
Marius Barbeau, or the Quebec “Difference” as a handicap. Second, the characterization of Quebec through race, territory,
and soul. Third provides the external perspectives of Miner and Hughes. Fourth will examine the Laval (Quebec) School. Finally,
this article will examine Quebec Society as either an ethnic or civic nation. Each theme has been set chronologically in specific
periods of Quebec sociology: the Pioneers (Part 1 and 2, before 1940); the institutionalization of academic sociology (Part
3 and 4, 1940-1969); and the “nationalization” and professionalization of sociology (Part 5, 1970 to the present). 相似文献
18.
In this article, I attempt to address some enduring problems in formulation and practical use of the notion of structure in
contemporary social science. I begin by revisiting the question of the fidelity of Anthony Giddens’ appropriation of the idea
of structure with respect to Levi-Strauss. This requires a reconsideration of Levi-Strauss’ original conceptualization of
“social structure” which I argue is a sort of “methodological structuralism” that stands sharply opposed to Giddens’ ontological
reconceptualization of the notion. I go on to show that Bourdieu’s contemporaneous critique of Levi-Strauss is best understood
as an attempt to recover rather than reject the central implication of Levi-Strauss’ methodological structuralism, which puts
Bourdieu and Giddens on clearly distinct camps in terms of their approach toward the idea of structure. To demonstrate the—insurmountable—conceptual
difficulties inherent in the ontological approach, I proceed by critically examining what I consider to be the most influential
attempt to resolve the ambiguities in Giddens structuration theory: Sewell’s argument for the “duality of structure.” I show
that by retaining Giddens’ ontological focus, Sewell ends up with a notion of structure that is at its very core “anti-structuralist”
or only structuralist in a weak sense. I close by considering the implications of the analysis for the possibility of developing
the rather neglected “methodological structuralist” legacy in contemporary social analysis. 相似文献
19.
Donald N. McCloskey 《The American Sociologist》1990,21(1):3-19
Even formal methods in economics, which sociologists have been tempted to adopt, are “rhetorical,” in the sense of “argued
to other scholars, not proven forever and ever.” The rhetoric of inquiry, in other words, is not confined to flowery language.
Two examples of formal methods that have defective rhetorics are significance tests (in which the sociologists are far ahead)
and existence theorems (in which the sociologists are in danger of imitating the economists’ errors). Much effort in economics
is spent on a rhetoric without conclusions. A more humanistic economics — or sociology—would examine all the arguments, whether
mathematical or not.
He is also director of the Project on Rhetoric of Inquiry. 相似文献
20.
John T. Addison 《Journal of Labor Research》1985,6(2):127-146
“All told, if our research findings are correct, the ongoing decline in private sector unionism ... deserves serious public
attention as being socially undesirable. We believe that the time has come for the nation to reassess its implicit and explicit
policies toward unionism, such as it has done several times in the past. And we hope that such a reassessment would lead to
a new public posture toward the key worker institution under capitalism — a posture based on what unions actually do in society
and on what, under the best circumstances, they can do to improve the well-being of the free enterprise system, and of us
all” (Freeman and Medoff, 1984, p. 251).
Helpful comments on an earlier draft were received from Barry Hirsch, Stanley Siebert, Leo Troy, Richard Perlman, and Joe
Reid. 相似文献