The gendered contours of North Korean Migration: sexualized bodies and the violence of phenotypical normalization in South Korea

This article examines the gendered and sexualized contours of North Korean experiences in South Korea at a time when nearly 70% of the North Korean emigrants are women. South Korean television shows – e.g. reality programs – and marriage matchmaking organizations seek to portray North Korean women in a ‘positive’ way to the South Korean public, although, as this article will illustrate, these representations are of a very particular, sexualized kind. These representations are sometimes negative, and there is stigma attached to North Korean women, in which South Koreans assume, for example, that they are victims of human trafficking or that they have had relations with Chinese men during their migration. Furthermore, poor nutrition and other forms of structural violence in North Korea have molded North Korean bodies; there are often physical disparities between North and South Koreans. In South Korean society where short height is viewed as undesirable and where idealized, surgical notions of beauty dominate, the violence of gendered phenotypical normalization mark North Korean bodies as smaller, foreign, and strange. Based on ethnographic research in South Korea, this article argues that these gendered contours of North Korean migration amount to a different sort of structural violence in South Korea.     

Naturalizing Korean ethnicity and making ‘ethnic’ difference: a comparison of North Korean settlement and foreign bride incorporation policies in South Korea

This article compares North Korean immigrants and foreign bride policies in South Korea. Despite being constructed as distinctive policy target groups, North Korean settlement and foreign bride incorporation policies exhibit striking similarities. The similarities result from the way policy problems are identified and certain solutions are justified; both North Korean immigrants and foreign brides are constructed a burden on welfare and as potential threats to social stability. Policy solutions are justified as they are designed to transform North Korean immigrants and foreign brides into ‘normal’ South Korean citizens. The major difference between two sets of policies lies in assumptions regarding cultural differences. Foreign brides are assumed to carry practices that are foreign and alien to Koreans, while North Korean immigrants are presumed to carry ‘authentic’ and ‘traditional’ Korean culture. Foreign brides’ cultures are visible and alien to South Koreans, and therefore are addressed under the banner of multiculturalism policies. North Korean immigrants are excluded from such policies. This exclusion reflects and reproduces the view of a Korean nation bounded by ethnic and cultural homogeneity.     

Identity,security and the nation: understanding the South Korean response to North Korean defectors

From the Cold War era of the ‘veteran heroes’ to the present view of escaped North Koreans in terms more akin to ‘refugees’ and sometimes even just ‘migrants’, perceptions of North Korean defectors in South Korea have changed as swiftly as the number and origins of Northerners entering the South have expanded. At the same time, government policy for these ethnic ‘brethren’ has evolved considerably, particularly as South Korea has seen fundamental shifts in its independent identity, with important repercussions for the way its citizens view themselves as a collective. This article explores some of the key influences behind changes to policy and perceptions regarding North Korean people in South Korea over the period from 1997 to 2012, by applying international relations theory on national identity and its role in policy formation and change through the need to secure different parameters within that identity.     

The Estimation of the South Korean Government's Diplomacy for Its Opposing Public North Korea

Based on the influence of the contingency factors of inner organizational and external situational factors, contingency theory of accommodation provides a good explanation for the real public relations practices. A recent series of experimental studies supports the idea that the theory is also applicable in the public's estimation pattern regarding an organization's public relations practices. This survey study is theoretically important when examining and sorting out significant factors in the real population of a notable public diplomacy domain. That is, this research examines how the South Korean people perceive the contingency factors and how people estimate the South Korean government's stance toward its opposing public, North Korea. The regression model of perceived contingency factors and stance estimation was generalizable in the population of this study (R ² = .279). The most influential perceptual predictors in the model include: the North Korean leader's preference for the South Korean president, the relative power of South Korea, the level of commitment of North Korea, the South Korean president's preference for the North Korean leader, the US government's support for the South Korean policy toward North Korea, the South Korean government's certainty to deal with the North Korean military threat, situational difficulties, the South Korean government's knowledge and skill to deal with the threat, the situational duration of threat, and the South Korean president's relation-oriented leadership. Finally, this study discussed practical implications for the government practitioners.     

Manufacturing Kinship in a Nation Divided: An Ethnographic Study of North Korean Refugees in South Korea

The South Korean government continues to practice variants of what Stephan Castles (1995) calls ‘differential exclusion’, in which citizenship in the nation state for North Koreans does not confer membership in civil society. For new arrivals from North Korea, many of whom have developed a distinct distrust of anything governmental, interaction with representatives of the South Korean state bares a chilling resemblance to that which they left behind in the North.

This article argues that for newly-arrived North Koreans the failure at state level does not mean they are entirely cast adrift, as religious and secular institutions within civil society are shouldering more of the burden of adaptation for the newcomers. This article endeavours to further our understanding of the significance of these groups as spaces where, for persons in exile, the meaning of home is recreated through acts of intimate exchange and relationships are formed that have the potential to become a form of pseudo-kinship.     

Reimagining the Homeland: Zainichi Koreans’ Transnational Longing for North Korea

This paper explores the changing relationship of diaspora to the homeland. In particular, this article focuses on the changing relationship of pro-North Korea, Zainichi Koreans (Koreans in Japan) towards North Korea. Many Koreans in Japan continue to identify with North Korea, but the nature of this relationship has changed, due to shifting generational attitudes towards both the host society and North Korea. A dance recital I witnessed in an ethnic Korean high school in Japan exemplifies these changes. I suggest that the symbols highlighted within the recital articulate a particular form of political-ethnic identity that is characterised by a long distance nationalism, but without the desire to return to the homeland. Based on a year of ethnographic fieldwork with members of the pro-North Korea organisation, Ch'ongry?n, this paper explores how diasporic groups construct, negotiate, and reproduce identity in relation to nation states and transnational processes.     

Exploratory research on the death and survival of neonates with congenital disorders in North Korea

In 2016, North Korea ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD). However, previous data and the testimonies of North Koreans have suggested that infants born with congenital disorders are either being euthanized or else left unattended resulting in their deaths. The study focuses on the question, “How is the life or death of infants born with congenital disorders determined during childbirth in North Korea?” In-depth interviews were conducted with 20 North Korean refugees who were involved as doctors, nurses, or party officials in the policies and practices related to persons with disabilities. We analyzed the interviews using the Grounded Theory with constant comparison and confirmed that infants born with congenital defects were intentionally euthanized with the acquiescence of the North Korean political party, hospitals, or their parents. It was also observed that children with disabilities in North Korea are subjected to severe human rights abuses. The dismal conditions in North Korean society have made parents unwilling to and incapable of raising their disabled children. To preserve the lives and dignity of infants born with disabilities, systematic and profound changes are necessary in North Korean disability policies to comply with international disability rights standards. This study remains at an exploratory stage due to obstacles in accessing research data on North Korean governmental policies and the lack of credible statistics on persons with disabilities. Nevertheless, the current study offers a deeper insight and understanding of the actual conditions in North Korea. This study is significant as it addresses and shares the issues of human rights and welfare of persons with disabilities in North Korea with the concerned members of the international community.     

South Koreans’ perceptions of North Koreans and implications for public relations campaigns

Analyzing data from a telephone survey of South Korean respondents, we explored public campaign strategies for relationship building between South and North Koreas. We examined three important questions essential for the relationship building: What are the typical images of the North that South Koreans find in the media? How do South Koreans perceive North Koreans? Do such perceptions guide their intention to integrate with North Koreans? Our findings may provide important insights in developing communication agenda and message strategies, particularly for policy makers and public communication practitioners, whose efforts aim to build a favorable relationship between the South and the North.     

Rural-Urban Differences and Their Amelioration

South Korean society is in transition toward a multicultural society. Integrating multicultural education into current citizenship education is challenging for the society. Historically, many national tragedies have created the unique characteristics of what being Korean means. South Korean social studies curriculum emphasized that Korea is a monolithic society with one language, one history, and one ethnicity. In recent years, however, the number of foreigners living in South Korea dramatically increases because of work, study, and marriage. As they become be members of Korean society, it is necessary that South Koreans acknowledge diverse groups in the society and revise a long-held belief about who we, as Koreans, are. To this end, the Korean social studies curriculum should include more information about as well as respect and promote ethnic, cultural, and social diversity. Social studies teachers should attempt various activities to promote students’ understanding of current social changes in South Korea.     

The Global Uprising of Labour? The Korean Labour Movement and Neoliberal Social Corporatism

The role of organized labour as expression of dissent or social resistance to neoliberal economic globalization has attracted increasing scholarly interest. Several writers have argued that we are witnessing the emergence of a ‘global uprising of labour’. In particular, reference is made to the labour movements of the industrializing semiperiphery, such as South Korea, South Africa, and Brazil, which are argued to show a way forward for the labour movements of the North. Such analysis as above, however, focuses on only one aspect of labour movements at the expense of their larger historical context and position within the capitalist world system. By privileging the strictly ‘global’ level of analysis, it ignores a key transformation in the nature of national state-society configurations in the semiperiphery, i.e. the general trend towards both democratization and neoliberal restructuring. Through examining the case of South Korea, I argue that the transition from developmental authoritarianism to neoliberal democracy has dramatically narrowed the terrain from which militant unionism might be expected to emerge. Since the 1980s, the Korean labour movement has undergone a transformation from a militant and almost revolutionary movement, to being co-opted, albeit imperfectly, into the new capitalist democracy. Thus, the threat of neoliberal restructuring has led not to resistance but to labour to seeking a role as responsible partner to government and business in pseudo-social corporatism forums, despite the fact the striking thing about Korean industrial relations is the absolute absence of prerequisites for such a system of social agreement politics. This co-optation reflects general political conditions in the semiperiphery, where simultaneous processes of democratization and neoliberal restructuring have made the assumption of unified resistance to globalization more problematic.     

“Smuggled Refugees”: The Social Construction of North Korean Migration

In this paper, I demonstrate the identity transformation of North Korean women in interaction with state and non-state actors and domestic and regional structures, which I formulate for the purposes of this paper. From a state-centric social constructivist perspective in politics and international relations, I examine how the identities and interests of North Korean women are constituted and reconstituted in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the People's Republic of China and five South-East Asian countries along their migration routes before they reach the Republic of Korea – the so-called “Seoul Train in the Underground Railway”. Back in their country of origin, North Korean women are socially constructed as Confucian communist mothers. In China, the most frequently depicted images of North Korean women are trafficked wives. By paying for smugglers to cross borders to neighbouring South-East Asian countries, North Korean women finally become the agents of their own destiny, refugees in waiting to be transferred to South Korea.     

A House of Our Own: Diaspora Politics Among Koreans in the Russian Far East

This paper discusses the newly formed public space that exists for Koreans in the Russian Far East (RFE). It shows that the notion of diaspora is a fluctuating political subjectivity in Russia that is largely defined and regulated by the state. It examines the changes that have taken place in the local politics surrounding the Korean diaspora in the RFE resulting from their experience of the Stalinist purge and their return from Central Asia during the post-socialist transition. Central to this research is a building called Koreiskii Dom and the conflicts surrounding its ownership and use. By examining these conflicts, this paper explores how the focus of community for Russian Koreans has shifted from national rehabilitation to cultural recognition influenced by the increasing prominence of businessmen in local politics, and the substantive demands made on public spaces for practices of cultural reconsolidation.     

Understanding the origin of the Bohai state in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea

The state of Bohai (on Korean reading – Parhae, ??) existed in what is modern Russian Primorye region (Приморский край/Maritime Region), North Korea and Northeastern China, from the late seventh to the early tenth centuries AD. It played an important role in the history of the area as a major regional power for over two centuries. Recently, the history of Bohai has begun to attract scholarly interest. However, North Korean studies of Bohai remain basically almost unknown in the Western world. In this article, I present the history of Bohai studies in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). In this article, I analyze not only North Korean studies of Bohai but also the opinions of the Korean scholars on the subject. They are rather specific for North Koreans who have unique access to the archaeological and historical materials on Bohai but are also subjected to unusually severe political pressures. The history of Bohai has now become an object of active political games which are related to territorial claims based on alleged archaeological and historical material. This situation increases the general interest in Bohai but also makes honest and unbiased research more difficult.     

Global fatigue: Transnational markets,linguistic capital,and Korean‐American male English teachers in South Korea1

Mass migration characterizes the current moment of globalization. Constituting a particular subset of this global migration are Korean‐American male English teachers who use the linguistic capital of English, commodified as the language of international communication, to exit from the United States and to return to South Korea as linguistic migrants, where they reassert their patriarchal privilege as Korean men. In the highly gendered and racialized Korean English language market, however, they must prove their ‘native English speaker’ status. Remaining oriented towards the U.S. as their proper home, they also continually defer leaving South Korea as it means giving up the privileges of being a male English speaker and become stuck in a life of leisure and aimlessness. As the shadow of neoliberal globalization deepens and their linguistic capital becomes devalued with the return of more Koreans from abroad, their feelings of being stuck turn into global fatigue. ?? ???? ??? ??? ??? ???/???? ??? ????. ??? ???? ??? ? ??? ???? ???? ? ??? ??? ?? ???? ?????? ????. ??? ??? ?? ??? ???? ?? ??? ??? ?????? ???? ????? ???? ??? ?? ? ?? ????? ???? ???? ??? ? ? ?? ??? ?????. ??? ??, ?? ?? ??? ????? ???? ????? ????? ??? ???? ?? ??? ??? ‘?? ??? ???’??? ??? ??? ????? ??. ??? ?? ??? ?? ? ???? ??? ??? ????? ??????, ???? ????? ??? ??? ???? ?????? ???? ????? ????? ??? ??? ???? ?? ?, ??? ?? ?? ????? ?? ?? ??? ??. ??? ?????? ???? ??? ?? ????, ???? ???? ???? ????? ??? ??? ????? ????? ???? ????? ??? ?? ???? ?? ????, ??? ??? ???? ?? ???? ?? ??? ????? ??? ??. [Korean]     

Differentiation and Healthy Family Functioning of Koreans in South Korea,South Koreans in the United States,and White Americans

Inconsistent results have been found in prior research on the Bowen Family Systems Theory concept of differentiation of self and its application to individuals, couples, and families of different cultural backgrounds. In this regard, this study examined the impact of differentiation of self on healthy family functioning, family communication, and family satisfaction with 277 participants including South Koreans living in South Korea, South Korean‐born citizens living in the United States, and White Americans living in the United States. Multigroup confirmatory factor analysis identified the measurement invariance of a differentiation scale (DSI‐R) used for the three study groups. An analysis of covariance (ANCOVA) found significant differences between White Americans and South Koreans with regard to the level of differentiation. Results of multigroup structural equation modeling (SEM) analyses found a significant association between differentiation of self and healthy family functioning across the three groups with the American group having significantly higher differentiation than the two South Korean groups.” Implications for clinical practice and future research are discussed.     

More or less a foreigner: Domestic reception of multinational K-pop groups

With K-pop's tremendous growth transnationally, scholars have pointed to the industry's inclusion of singers from different national and ethnic backgrounds, highlighting them as examples of successful glocalization. But there has been little attention paid to how these “foreign” singers, now integrated into the Korean pop music industry, are received within South Korea itself. In South Korea, public attention towards these idols has intensified as a result of the global success of multinational K-pop groups like Blackpink and NCT. The public visibility of these idols complicates South Korea's image as an ethnically, linguistically, and culturally homogenous nation. This article examines the domestic reception of these idols, exploring the tensions that emerge at the intersection of Koreanness, K-pop, and multiculturalism in South Korea today. Drawing on focus group interviews with Korean K-pop fans as well as Koreans who do not actively follow the industry, the article explicates how foreign K-pop idols alternately challenge and reinforce contemporary understandings of Koreanness.     

Home and away: modern Korean identities and minorities

ABSTRACT

South Korea is an evolving country that encourages immigration, and which presents itself as a multicultural country. Nevertheless, multiculturalism has not gone as smoothly as the government would like us to believe, and discrimination and racism are serious issues, especially due to Korea’s self-imposed ideology of Korean purity and homogeneity. This complicates Koreans’ sense of identity, both at home and abroad, issues dealt with in this special issue, which features three articles that deal with the complexities of ethnicity and identity in the twenty-first century. These articles look at the transformative notions surrounding Korean identity in Korea, and how the lingering legacy of colonial history negatively frames this identity in Japan. Finally, there is an examination of Korean immigrant entrepreneurship in Argentina, looking at the Korean community there in a very different socio-historical reality, where people negotiate their identities beyond the structures of Japan’s colonial legacy.     

What it means to be a ‘model minority’: voices of ethnic Koreans in Northeast China

Ethnic Koreans in China have been widely recognized as a ‘model minority’ primarily for academic success. Using the data collected as part of a larger ethnographic research on Korean elementary school students, this paper examines how 27 Korean families construct meaning out of the model minority stereotype in the context of their lived experience in Northeast China. Research results indicate that Koreans constructed the multi-faceted nature of ‘model minority’ as a matter of cultural superiority and dual economic marginalization in the Chinese and South Korean mainstream societies, and valued education as a practical means to achieve economic upward mobility into the Chinese mainstream. This paper argues that the model minority stereotype with the cultural explanations for Korean success may reinforce the cultural deficiency argument about the academic failure of ‘backward’ minorities, silence the disadvantages suffered by Koreans in China's reform period and lead to no active intervention to remedy them.     

A Needs‐centred Educational Support Model for the Career Transitions of North Korean Defectors: Implications for South Korea's Support Policy

North Korean defectors have faced significant challenges in finding and keeping jobs in the South Korean labour market due to their many differences from South Korean workers. As the number of defectors has increased, South Korea has experienced an increased need for employment support to assist defectors in overcoming challenges in their employment and leading them to stable economic status. This study aims to develop a needs‐centred educational support model for defectors' career transitions, compare the content of suggested support programmes with the content of currently provided support programmes, and suggest relevant policy implications. Based on this study's findings, the authors argue that defectors' employment needs differ from those of other groups of job seekers in Korea; thus, this population should be served differently with consistent educational support. Each stage of the developed model provides appropriate support programmes that reflect the unique employment needs of defectors.