中国民族史学与中华民族形成史研究的新思考:20世纪的学术回顾与理论反思

本文简要回顾了 2 0世纪中国民族史学的成就 ,特别是从族别史研究 ,经民族关系史到中华民族形成史的学术发展历程 ,分析了中国民族史学发展三大阶段的基本特征、核心目的与任务 ,从时空变化的基本视角检讨了理论认识与民族史学发展的密切关系。本文认为 ,从族别史研究发展到民族关系史在中国民族史学发展中具有重要意义 ;80年代后期兴起的“族群关系理论”对民族史学的发展起到重要作用 ;费孝通提出的中华民族“多元一体格局理论”奠定了中国民族史研究的整体史观 ,促进了民族史学研究的全面深入和发展。     

霓裳羽衣舞敦煌——试论敦煌莫高窟服饰流变及其文化意义

文章通过敦煌莫高窟服饰流变的分析,认为莫高窟服饰文化是一部中华民族服饰发展史,是中华民族多元文化融合,并最后汇聚于中华的历史见证。     

从地缘安全角度理解中国的民族与跨界民族

对民族和跨界民族问题已经有了大量的卓有成效的研究,但是,从地缘安全角度重新诠释中国的民族和跨界民族,却是在新形势下对中国跨界民族和地缘安全关系的理论尝试,因此,文章对民族、跨界民族和族群等以往的认识进行了批判,力图在确立新的范畴中构建跨界民族与中国地缘安全的理论体系。     

Having a soul or choosing a face? Nation branding,identity and cosmopolitan imagination

If nation branding is about constructing and promoting national identity, what kind of ‘identity’ could it possibly be? This article analyses how the branded nation qualitatively differs from earlier forms of imagined communities by focusing on the tension between inward- and outward-directed dimensions of nation branding. A particular focus is placed on the concept of ‘identity’, which, it is argued, is insufficiently problematized in previous research. The discussion takes its departure in a case study of Ukraine, where all nation branding attempts came to an abrupt halt when political unrest broke out in late 2013. The political unrest led to a rapid shift in forms of concern over Ukraine, since nation branding can only be conducted in times of relative social harmony. The case further illustrates the argument that collective identity is not a main issue when branding a nation, and it is argued that a perspective of cosmopolitanism can bring new insights to the phenomenon.     

Designer nations: Neo-liberal nation branding – Brand Estonia

This article critically examines the emergence of nation branding as a commercial practice at the end of the Cold War by conceptualizing it as a means for nations to redefine and reposition themselves within the master narrative of globalization. It examines the industry literature of the nation branding movement, which seeks to legitimate the practice. It argues that nation branding is an engine of neo-liberalism that explicitly embraces a reductive logic, which privileges market relations (market fundamentalism) in articulations of national identity; also contends that nation branding is a risky business that can backfire, since its success depends, in large part, on the intuitive knowledge of individual industry ‘creatives’. It maintains that the methodology of nation branding, qua methodology, is profoundly anti-democratic. It offers recommendations for making nation branding more transparent and accountable to democratic values, but also explores Umberto's concept of ‘semiotic guerrilla warfare’ as a possible strategy for disrupting nation branding and redirecting initiatives to rethink national identity in more democratic directions.     

浅谈城市民族问题

城市大多是一个地方或地区的政治、经济、文化的中心 ,人口流动性大 ,社会影响力强。加之现在流动到城市的少数民族越来越多 ,城市民族问题与其他社会问题掺杂在一起 ,具有敏感性、辐射性、连锁反应性等特点。城市民族关系已经成为反映我国民族关系好坏的晴雨表。因此 ,研究城市民族问题意义十分重大。本文将从城市少数民族的特点 ,城市民族问题及其主要内容、特点 ,城市民族问题与城市民族工作等五方面分析、论述城市民族问题。     

Rethinking the nation: Apology,treaty and reconciliation in Australia

In February 2008, Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd apologised to Indigenous Australians for past injustices. The apology was presented as a turning point in the history of the nation. According to Rudd, ‘there comes a time in the history of a nation when peoples must become fully reconciled to their past if they are to go forward with confidence to embrace their future’. The apology marked a new step in the reconciliation process in Australia, but as this article argues, the treaty issue – another controversial aspect of reconciliation – remains a major challenge to the Australian nation.     

Religion,truth, national identity and social meaning: The example of Northern Ireland

This article argues that national identity is closely bound up with religion, which in turn is closely bound up with ideas of truth. Different religions will form and transmit different ideas of truth, both moral and cognitive, and transmit them and socialise their members in to holding them. From this a socially exclusive group is formed, which becomes one basis for a nation. This nation becomes morally and cognitively exclusive of non-religious members since they will hold different truths and so cannot be trusted, they cannot be ‘loyal and true’. Ireland and Northern Ireland provide a classic example of this, where Catholic and Protestant were the mediums for transmitting Romantic or Enlightenment versions of the truth and so provided a basis for opposed ideas of nation.     

论政治学视阈下的民族区域自治

文章旨从政治学的角度来探讨民族区域自治的一体性、权力分配性、参与性、合理性,以期求证民族区域自治对自治地区各民族的有效整合.文章最后认为:多民族国家的建构非常复杂,它既需要极具渗透力的制度保证,又需各民族对政治权力的共同参与、分配,借以扩大合法性基础及其持续的稳定.     

Honour bound in Australia: From defensive nationalism to critical nationalism

The imprisonment and trial of Guantanamo Bay detainee David Hicks catalysed widespread public debate in Australia over issues of nationalism and citizenship. This article discusses the competing forms of nationalism that underpinned this debate, especially critical nationalism, which evidences both a critique of and caring for the nation. Following Ghassan Hage's notion of the dichotomy between national caring and worrying, the article looks at a theatre production based on the David Hicks story to illustrate the role the arts play in challenging and redefining our attachment to the nation.     

论民族权利与国家整合

现代民族国家的兴起与发展,在人类社会引发了两大政治潮流:一是民族独立运动,即寻求自由、独立和平等的民族力图建立民族独立国家;二是国家整合运动,即民族国家力图以共同的国家认同为基础,有机整合国内各民族,从而建立一体化的民族国家共同体。于是,在全球范围内,民族与国家之间就出现极为复杂的政治关系。本文主要探讨在民族国家建设过程中,国家整合与保障国内少数民族权力之间的内在关系。     

Constructions of identity,belonging and exclusion in the democratic welfare state

This article investigates the conflict between a shared national identity and immigration, posed by liberal, instrumental nationalists. They worry that immigration will undermine a shared national identity that is needed to generate trust and solidarity within the democratic welfare state. The article consists of a qualitative study of Swedish and British respondents. The main conclusion is that people experience and interpret their shared identity, ideas of belonging and exclusion in the democratic welfare state differently, with different consequences for the proposed conflict. When identity and belonging was tied to contributions or to institutions, rather than a nation, the conflict between a shared identity and immigration was cushioned.     

Living in a nation,a state or a place? The Protestant gentry of County Cork

The communal narrative of the Irish state defined the criteria for membership of the nation in opposition to the characteristics of the Irish gentry class, whether in their Protestantism, Anglicised lifestyles or external focus on Britain and its empire. The result ensured that while all Protestants engaged with the institutions of state, their inclusion in the nation proved much more difficult to negotiate, and for those with a gentry background, it would appear an impossibility. This article argues, in contrast, that the remnants of the Protestant gentry class successfully insert themselves into an alternative conception of the Irish nation that draws directly upon the longevity of their family association with specific localities in the Irish landscape.     

正义的妥协--从程序、效力和利益分配结果看民族地区基层纠纷的解决途径

本文通过对民族地区基层一般民、刑事纠纷解决途径的解读,欲从程序、效力和利益分配结果的表象探析,以一种新的视角揭示出民族地区基层纠纷的解决是在现行法与民族习惯、民间法则相互塑造和挤压的过程中,当事人、民族地区社会权威、司法者之间权衡利益得失之下,对公平、正义和利益等和谐社会法治理念的妥协.其主要表现是对现行法的规避,结果使现行法趋于架空,当事人利益难以保障,正义之剑形同虚设.     

民族与民族主义研究:从实体论迈向关系实在论初探

在民族和民族主义研究中,实体论具有重要地位,它包括客观实体论与主观实体论。前者长于民族的客观属性分析与内生分析,但忽略了民族的主观属性,忽略了他者和关系对民族自我的塑造作用;后者最为看重民族的主观属性,强调民族主义对民族的塑造作用,但放大了民族的主观属性,且落入从民族主义与民族两者的关系来界定民族的窠臼。文章引入关系实在论来阐释民族和民族主义,旨在消解民族的实体本体论地位,并将民族"自我"视为过程性、动态性与稳定性的关系化实体。在此基础上,文章区分了两个层次的流动的、关系化的民族自我和不同类型的民族主义:(1)国家民族(主义),公民民族(主义)和族群民族(主义)之间的竞争共生关系;(2)在第一个层次之上的民族自我与其他内部他者、外部他者之间的竞争共生关系。     

中国民族区域自治制度与构建和谐社会

本文认为民族区域自治是一条具有中国特色的解决我国民族问题的正确道路,体现了中国传统文化追求整体均衡与和谐的哲学理念;论述了民族区域自治制度维护了国家统一和民族团结,保障了少数民族的平等权利,促进了民族地区经济发展,在社会主义和谐社会构建中发挥了重要作用。     

民族主义与联邦主义

作为一种社会政治思想的民族主义论述的是民族与国家应当一体的理由,而作为一种社会政治运动的民族主义却难以实现民族与国家的一体。由此,民族主义理论与实践的矛盾,困扰了人类社会数百年,并引起各种民族冲突。本文作者从分析文化民族、政治民族与法律民族的关系入手,试图为民族主义建立一种框架,并认为基于政治民族和法律民族的国家民族主义终将取代基于文化民族之分的联邦主义。     

Reproducing the nation: reproduction,citizenship and ethno-demographic survival in post-communist Romania

The steady decline of fertility rates in Europe raises a number of important questions about the demographic and cultural reproduction of national societies. Apart from being confronted with population shrinkage and ageing, most European societies are also becoming more diverse. Demographic changes tend to exacerbate nationalist anxieties about the physical and cultural survival of the nation. This article develops the concept of national reproduction regime in order to analyse strategies and interventions at the biological, formal, and ethno-cultural levels of reproduction through which states seek to ensure the physical and cultural reproduction of the nation. It outlines the national reproduction regime of post-communist Romania by way of mapping and discussing key policies on biological and formal reproduction, as well as public discourses that frame these policies.     

International migration and the rise of the ‘civil’ nation

Scholars largely agree that immigration policies in Western Europe have switched to a liberal, civic model. Labelled as ‘civic turn’, ‘civic integration’ or ‘liberal convergence’, this model is not identically applied across countries, since national institutions, traditions and identifications still matter. Even so, the main focus is on processes which allow or prevent migrants to be incorporated into nations usually taken for granted in their meanings. Moving from policies to discourses, this article aims to interrogate what kind of nation is behind these policies as a way to further scrutinise the ‘civic turn’. Exploring how the term ‘civility’ and its adjectivisations are discursively deployed in Italian parliamentary debates on immigration and integration issues, the article points to two opposite narratives of nation. While one mobilises civility in order to rewrite the nation in terms of a common, inclusive, civic ‘we’, the other uses civility to reaffirm the conflation between national identity and the identity of the ethno-cultural majority. These findings suggest the importance of exploring the ‘civic turn’ not only across countries, but also across political parties within the same country to capture the ways in which a liberal, civic convergence in political discourses might hide divergent national boundary mechanisms.     

教育是基础人才是关键--浅谈西部大开发中的黔南发展战略

本文认为实现西部大开发战略,为民族地区创造了发展的机遇.民族地区不仅经济落后,而且教育也不适应经济的发展,因此要借西部开发的契机,发展教育,加快培养各类人才的步伐,以适应西部大开发需要.