Understanding residential segregation in American cities: Interpreting the evidence

A re-examination of the literature on the factors which influence residential segregation in American cities emphasizes the complexity of the factors involved in generating patterns of separation in urban areas and the necessity of considering more than any single factor in order to understand those patterns. In addition, recent on-going research on residential transition, white flight, and the demographics of school attendance area change further emphasizes the declining importance of public and overt private discrimination. Although private discrimination has not been eliminated from society, it cannot be relied on as a total and unambiguous explanation for the patterns that we observe within metropolitan areas. I would like to thank Tony Pascal for his advice and comments.     

Understanding residential segregation in American cities: Interpreting the evidence

A re-examination of the literature on the factors which influence residential segregation in American cities emphasizes the complexity of the factors involved in generating patterns of separation in urban areas and the necessity of considering more than any single factor in order to understand those patterns. In addition, recent on-going research on residential transition, white flight, and the demographics of school attendance area change further emphasizes the declining importance of public and overt private discrimination. Although private discrimination has not been eliminated from society, it cannot be relied on as a total and unambiguous explanation for the patterns that we observe within metropolitan areas. I would like to thank Tony Pascal for his advice and comments.     

The residential segregation of mixed-nativity married couples

This article examines the ways in which mixed-nativity marriage is related to spatial assimilation in metropolitan areas of the United States. Specifically, we examine the residential patterns of households with a mixed-nativity—and, in some cases, interracial—marriage to determine whether they are less segregated from the native-born than entirely foreign-born households. Using restricted-use data from the 2000 census, we find that compared with couples in which both spouses are foreign-born, mixed-nativity couples tend to be less segregated from various native-born racial and ethnic groups. Further, among both foreign-born Asians and Hispanics, those with a native-born non-Hispanic white spouse are considerably less segregated from native-born white households than from other foreign-born Asian and Hispanic households. We also find that even though nativity status matters for black couples in a manner consistent with assimilation theory, foreign-born and mixed-nativity black households still each display very high levels of segregation from all other native-born racial/ethnic groups, reaffirming the power of race in determining residential patterns. Overall, our findings provide moderate support for spatial assimilation theory and suggest that cross-nativity marriages often facilitate the residential integration of the foreign-born.     

The components of density and the dimensions of residential segregation

The purposes of this research are to examine the relationships between density and residential segregation and to propose a technique for the more precise measurement of social density. Using data from the 1990 US Census for the fifty eight largest metropolitan areas in the United States, we explore the applicability of measuring social density by examining how the dimensions of segregation are related to the components of race-specific and non-race-specific density. Findings suggest that density is an important part of our understanding of the processes involved in the segregation of race/ethnic groups and further that the measurement of social density can make a significant contribution to research on the concentration of poverty, joblessness, and violence.     

Shifting racial hierarchies: An analysis of residential segregation among multi-racial and mono-racial groups in the United States

Multi-racial (mixed-race) people constitute a growing percentage of the United States (US) population. The study reported in this paper used residential segregation measures as a proxy for social distance, to examine whether segregation levels of multi-racial groups differ from those of mono-racial groups in the US in 2010. First, we find that all multi-racial groups considered in the study experience lower levels of segregation at county level than their mono-racial counterparts. However, black-whites and Hispanic-whites experience higher levels of segregation than other multi-racial groups. Second, we find region and minority composition of counties are associated significantly with segregation levels for multi-racial groups, but relative income is not.     

Racial residential segregation in the sun belt

In recent years demographic researchers have devoted considerable attention to two topics: (1) migration to the sun belt and (2) racial and economic transformation of neighborhoods. This study addresses both, and develops a theoretical and analytical model to test the relationship of intra-urban and inter-urban migration patterns as they relate to race and social class. The study measures and analyzes patterns of racial and economic transition in neighborhoods for two Oklahoma SMSAs. Comparisons are made between differential degrees of residential segregation accounted for by in-migrants, utilizing U.S. Census tracts for 1970 and 1980. The model, once specified and evaluated, demonstrates that patterns and factors traditionally associated with residential segregation may have less relevance forsun belt cities in the coming decades.     

Making a place in the metropolis: Locational attainment in cities and suburbs

What accounts for the differences in the kinds of communities within the metropolis in which members of different racial and ethnic groups live? Do socioeconomic advancement and acculturation provide greater integration with whites or access to more desirable locations for minority-group members? Are these effects the same for Asians or Hispanics as for blacks? Does suburbanization offer a step toward greater equality in the housing market, or do minorities find greater discrimination in the suburban housing market? Data from 1980 for five large metropolitan regions are used to estimate "locational-attainment models, " which evaluate the effects of group members’ individual attributes on two measures of the character of their living environment: the socioeconomic standing (median household income) and racial composition (proportion non-Hispanic white) of the census tract where they reside. Separate models predict these outcomes for whites, blacks, Hispanics, and Asians. Net of the effects of individuals’ background characteristics, whites live in census tracts with the highest average proportion of white residents and the highest median household income. They are followed by Asians and Hispanics, and-at substantially lower levels-blacks. Large overall differences exist between city and suburban locations; yet the gap between whites and others is consistently lower in the suburbs than in the cities of these five metropolitan regions.     

The effects of economic development and world-system on occupational sex segregation

In order to better integrate women's subordinate status into the world system, the author examined how processes of the new international division of labor and consequent underdevelopment affect women's overall economic status and occupational sex segregation (OSS). For the empirical test, panel regression analyses were used with 71 crossnational cases for the periods of 1960-80 and 1970-80. The results of the analyses clearly show that world-system position and economic development proved to have important consequences for OSS. However, the results unexpectedly showed a negative relation for multinational corporation dependency, which is stronger for the longer term period than for the shorter term. Of the intervening variables, the effects of female labor force participation show a negative effect on OSS, and those of the female share of the service sector show a strong positive effect on OSS at either point in time. Fertility did not show any significant effects on OSS.     

Residential segregation in American cities: a review and interpretation

Significant levels of separation between blacks and whites still exist in large American cities, and debate about the causes of that residential separation has been considerable. A balanced analysis of the factors that might explain residential segregation - economic status (affordability), social preferences, urban structure, and discrimination - suggests that no one factor can account for the patterns that have arisen in U.S. metropolitan areas. Empirical estimation of the impact of economic status suggests that 30–70 percent of racial separation is attributable to economic factors. However, economic factors do not act alone, but in association explanatory weight for present residential patterns. Survey evidence from both national and local studies shows that black households prefer neighborhoods that are half black and half white, while whites prefer neighborhoods ranging from 0 to 30 percent black.The debate about causes seems most polarized over the role of discrimination. Although comments in the literature often focus on the past use of racially restrictive covenants by state-regulated agencies and discriminatory acts by realtors and financial institutions, the documented individual cases of discrimination do not appear to be part of a massive collusion to deny housing opportunities to minorities. A review of the evidence from social science investigations demonstrates that there are multiple causes of racial residential separation in U.S. metropolitan areas.An earlier version of this paper was presented to the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, Washington, D.C., November 12, 1985.     

Residential segregation in American cities: A contrary review

Clark (1986) has reviewed evidence on the causes of racial residential segregation in American cities and has concluded that economic factors, job locations, preferences, and information bear the predominant explanatory weight; private acts of housing discrimination carry little weight. This article argues that Clark's conclusions are erroneous because they are based on a selective and incorrect interpretation of the evidence available to him and because more recent studies provide strong evidence to the contrary.     

Residential segregation in American cities: A contrary review

Clark (1986) has reviewed evidence on the causes of racial residential segregation in American cities and has concluded that economic factors, job locations, preferences, and information bear the predominant explanatory weight; private acts of housing discrimination carry little weight. This article argues that Clark's conclusions are erroneous because they are based on a selective and incorrect interpretation of the evidence available to him and because more recent studies provide strong evidence to the contrary.     

Patterns of residential segregation within a metropolitan ghetto

The residential segregation of families by income and by stage of the family life cycle within Milwaukee’s black community resembles in both pattern and degree that in the white community. The greater the difference in income, the more dissimilar are the distributions by census tract. Dissimilarity is greater between younger couples without children and older couples with children than between any other pair of family types defined by husband’s age and presence of children. However, segregation by income was substantially greater than by family type in 1960. The bases of selectivity of blacks in“changing” areas of the city, where the proportion black is still relatively low, and of whites in the“suburban” areas adjoining the city are similar. Families in the higher income groups and couples with children are over-represented in these areas. It would appear that given the pressures of limited housing space in the inner core of the black community, given the fact that certain amenities are not available in that area, and given the economic and social barriers which restrict the movement of blacks into the suburbs, the changing areas must function as“suburbs” for the black community.     

The decline in occupational sex segregation during the 19705: census and cps comparisons

An assessment of changes in occupational sex segregation during the 1970s, as measured by the Census and Current Population Survey, is complicated by the recent reclassification of occupations. Once this is taken into account, it is apparent from both the Census and the CPS that there was a decline in occupational sex segregation in the 1970s and that the decline was probably more substantial than in the 1960s.     

Residential segregation in American cities: Common ground and differences in interpretation

Despite the intensity of the recent debate between Clark and Galster, there is considerable agreement that there are multiple forces which create the patterns of residential separation found in American cities, and that government or public discrimination plays a minor role. The differences between Clark and Galster relate to the relative weight to be given to private discrimination and the role of preferences in explaining the patterns of racial separation. The actual weight to be given to private discrimination is yet to be specified.     

Residential mobility between cities and suburbs: race, suburbanization, and back-to-the-city moves

Information from the 1979 to 1985 waves of the Panel Study of Income Dynamics is merged with data on respondents’ tract and metropolitan area of residence to examine patterns and determinants of residential mobility between central cities and suburbs. Consistent with the life-cycle model of residential mobility, mobility in both directions declines with age, but on balance the presence of young children deters moving to the suburbs. Among blacks, education increases the probability of moving from cities to suburbs, while high income retains blacks and whites in suburbs. Consistent with the place stratification model. blacks are substantially less likely than whites to move from cities to suburbs, and substantially more likely to move from suburbs to cities, even after standardizing for racial differences in sociodemographic characteristics. High levels of violent crime and unemployment in cities relative to suburbs also tend to spur city-to-suburb mobility or inhibit suburb-to-city moves.     

Residential segregation in American cities: A further response to Clark

Professor Clark's (1986) claim that discrimination plays little role in explaining segregation was challenged in my contrary review (1988). Clark (1988) has responded, and here I offer a rejoinder. I go further and suggest that the multiple factors related to segregation should be seen as interdependent components in a complex web of mutually causal interrelationships. Preliminary attempts to estimate such a model suggest that discrimination may play an even more important role than is conventionally believed.     

Returns on education amongst men in England and Wales: The impact of residential segregation and ethno-religious background

Individuals’ occupational and educational attainment is influenced by their ethnicity, religion and colour in the UK and elsewhere. In this paper, we analyse the impact of ethnicity, religion and colour along with residential segregation¹ and socio-economic deprivation on returns to education for men in England and Wales. We analyse the 2001 UK census data by employing multi-level logistic regression models. It is found that non-White groups including Christian Black-African, UK born Sikh-Indians and South Asian Muslims are found to suffer an ethnic penalty compared to Christian White-British. While there is evidence to suggest that Muslim men may experience a greater penalty compared to some non-Whites other non-Muslim groups too face ethno-religious penalties, sometimes even more severely such as in the case of Christian Black-Africans. Socio-economic difficulties faced by ethnic minorities are also linked to spatial segregation only when associated with high levels of area deprivation. This suggests that what matters may not be segregation per se, but whether or not it is associated with deprivation.     

A Model for Inferring the Voluntary and involuntary causes of residential segregation

It is clear that both voluntary and involuntary forces normally contribute to the residential segregation existing between groups. For the most part, the contribution of each dimension has not been determined. Rather, researchers operate as if either one or the other force is operating. In the United States, for example, black-white segregation is assumed to be imposed by whites on blacks, as if the latter were themselves totally indifferent to the racial composition in their areas of residence. On the other hand, it is assumed that segregation between white ethnic groups is at present purely a voluntary matter. In an earlier period, it was assumed that their segregation was both voluntary (reflecting desires to be among compatriots) and involuntary (reflecting the imposition of restrictions on residential movement by other groups as well as economic forces). But it has not been possible for investigators to determine the relative importance of each factor. Using asymmetrical segregation indexes, a rudimentary procedure is proposed for determining the relative importance of voluntary and involuntary forces operating to generate a given level of segregation. Data based on Black, Anglo, and Spanish residential patterns are then considered in terms of the proposed model.     

The residential distribution of status groups in Puerto Rico’s metropolitan areas

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the pattern of residential segregation of status groups in Puerto Rico’s three metropolitan areas. The findings showed that in all three areas: (1) as the social status distance between groups increases so too does the degree of dissimilarity of their residential distributions; (2) the status groups most residentially segregated are those at the top and at the bottom of the status pyramid; (3) the pattern of residential centralization of status groups for Ponce and Mayaguez are such that the highest status groups are the most centralized while the lowest status groups are the most decentralized, but in San Juan it is the highest status groups that are the most decentralized and the lowest status groups that are the most centralized. The data are from the 1960 census. Indicators of status employed are education, occupation, and income. Differences in findings about centralization between San Juan and the other cities are explained in terms of differential economic development.     

Socioeconomic integration and spatial residential patterns of immigrant groups in Canada

It is often assumed that the level of residential segregation of ethnic and racial groups can be used as a measure of their socio-economic integration into a society. This paper using Canadian census data for the period 1981–1991 questions this assumption and goes to show that the trends in residential segregation need not parallel the trends in socio-economic integration. Socio-economic integration is measured by indices of dissimilarity in the occupational composition and residential segregation by indices of dissimilarity in the population distribution. The study shows that while residential segregation of ethnic groups has remained fairly constant during the decade, occupational segregation has declined significantly. It concludes that while residential segregation may persist due to voluntary or involuntary causes, minority groups have been occupationally mobile. Unlike the case of Blacks in the United States, the study concludes that public policy concerns that spatial segregation of an ethnic group will result in relative deprivation in terms of socio-economic integration may not always be valid in Canada.