非物质文化保护视角下的平地瑶蝴蝶歌传承人调查——以广西富川瑶族自治县莲山镇大莲塘村为例

通过对广西富川瑶族自治县平地瑶蝴蝶歌传承和保护的调查,发现蝴蝶歌随着自然、社会和生态环境的变迁,传承场域和消费功能正在萎缩,传承人及传承方式也发生了显著变化,其变化结果呈现多种态势;在保护蝴蝶歌非物质文化遗产过程中,只有尊重传承人的主体性,引导她们进行调适与创新,蝴蝶歌音乐文化才能得到有效的保护与传承.     

广场民间歌舞保护与传承的思考

本文通过对民间歌舞大赛的历时性考察,论述了广场民间歌舞通过民俗氛围的时空营造、地方民俗节庆时间坐标的确立得到传承与保护,而民俗基因的挖掘使得广场民间歌舞在精神品格上得以自立与舒展,并提出民间文化如何传承的思考。     

《格萨尔》史诗的当代传承及其文化表现形式的多样性

在当代语境下,传唱千年的《格萨尔》史诗及其传承正在发生着各种各样的变化。除了民间艺人的口头说唱和各种版本的书面文本并存外,还有格萨尔藏戏、格萨尔唐卡、格萨尔音乐、格萨尔石刻、格萨尔"朵日玛"、格萨尔漫画、格萨尔彩塑酥油花等等。在藏族民间,《格萨尔》史诗的传播几乎影响了各种艺术门类。本文试图对《格萨尔》史诗的当代传承及其文化表现形式的多样性特征进行探讨和分析。从口头传说到书面文本再到传承形式的多样化,这不仅是选择、判断和再创造民族民间文化资源的结果,也传承了史诗蕴含的民间文化精神。当代语境下的史诗传承,也伴生着一种文化焦虑。现代性往往导致对经典的疏离和迷失,所以在纷繁复杂的形式与内容之间淘洗锤炼、重铸经典,已经成为史诗研究面临的新课题。     

侗族民间舞蹈文化述略

<正> 侗族的民间舞蹈文化是侗族传统文化的一个有机组成部分,也是中华民族传统舞蹈艺术宝库中重要组成部分之一。侗族人民爱唱歌,也爱跳舞,所以,在侗乡有“饭养身,歌养心”,“耶求旺,舞助兴”之说。侗族民间舞蹈文化与侗族的其他艺术文化一样,是侗族人民为了再现自己的生产劳动和社会生活,以及满足人们对于美的爱好和追求而逐渐创造出来的艺术。它是侗族人民精神生活不可缺少的组成部分。本文就其起源和发展,民间流传的几种主要舞蹈及其独特的风格,作如下探讨。     

壮族嘹歌的传承模式与村落经济——以广西平果县太平镇局床、龙了屯为例

壮族嘹歌显示了壮族民间传统艺术的魅力,对其进行保护传承有重要的价值和意义。随着全球经济一体化进程加快,嘹歌文化面临严重的冲击,而传统的传承模式存在诸多问题,需要我们与时俱进,进行新的探索。打造壮族嘹歌文化品牌,将会促进当地村落经济的发展。     

侗族大歌的现代化传承、传播及实施路径

侗族大歌是我国较为少见的民间多声部合唱音乐,是我国珍贵的非物质文化遗产。多年以来,在国家政策和当地政府、学界以及相关企业主体的推动下,侗族大歌也因此获得了一定的关注。然而,随着人类现代化进程的逐步加快和中国改革开放政策的深入实施,侗族大歌正面临着前所未有的现代文化、外来文化和市场经济的全面冲击,为侗族大歌的传承与传播带来新的挑战,如何充分运用现代化新技术更好地传承、传播侗族大歌;如何挖掘侗族大歌的传承、传播优势并找到可行性实施路径成为当下亟待解决的新问题。本文将结合侗族大歌的发展现状,试图探索出一条在新时代背景下侗族大歌现代化传承、传播与营销整合为完整产业链的路径。     

和谐社会背景下民间民俗文化的传承与创新

民间民俗文化作为源于民间日常生产生活的重要文化类型,具有深厚的文化内涵和丰富的表现形式,在构建和谐社会中发挥着独特作用.因此,要充分认识到当前民间民俗文化传承创新中面临的挑战,采取有效措施,提高民间民俗文化艺术表现,从而有效推动民间民俗文化的传承与创新.     

民间美术教育传承体系的构建 ——以非物质文化遗产保护和传承视角的研究

民间美术是我国劳动人民智慧的结晶,寄托了人们对于美好事物的希冀,彰显了我国丰富多彩的民俗文化和艺术审美,是我国传统文化艺术的瑰宝.但随着全球化的进程,我国的传统民间美术艺术受到外来文化的冲击,民间美术的传承和发展前景堪忧.作为非物质文化遗产的民间艺术是中华民族的文化象征,因此构建民间美术教育传承体系,维护我国文化的本土化和多样性,提高我国文化软实力,建立我国文化自信,势在必行.本文从非物质文化遗产保护和传承的视角分析如何进行民间美术教育传承体系的构建.     

涉藏州县宗教神圣场域的共同体意识的表达

以川、青区域涉藏州县的藏传佛教场所为重点关注对象,探讨涉藏州县宗教神圣场域中共同体意识的建构渊源、演进历程、现时表达及未来期望。在具有藏传佛教传统的涉藏州县区域,以寺院为核心的神圣场域建构,是藏传佛教历史传承和发展的主要路径。在川青涉藏州县的多民族复合文化语境下,藏传佛教的神圣场域建构不断发展完善。在这一漫长历程中,藏传佛教一方面不断调适以适应本土化的历史现实语境,另一方面则通过教派之间竞争博弈与交往交流,形成与社会主义社会相适应的藏传佛教文化形态。在这个历史过程中,中华民族共同体意识有其在场的内在基础,并与藏传佛教话语体系形成相互促进、相互成就的正反馈路径,不仅形成了具有中华民族认同心理的地缘文化与宗教神圣场域叙事,而且还以人物交流、宗教传播及文化扩散的方式对周边乃至更远区域的中华民族文化构建产生了积极的辐射影响。同时,文化的交往、交流和交融构成了中华民族共同体意识在川青涉藏州县多元文化语境的终极表达。     

“朱倭古舞”唱词探讨

朱倭古舞是一种边歌边舞、歌舞结合、以歌为主的藏族民间歌舞艺术,极具地域特色。朱倭古舞唱词数量丰富,表达极具规律性和艺术性。朱倭古舞按表演程式可分为引子、正歌、尾声三大部分:按其表现内容,可分为颂扬、祝福、赞美、思念等类型。     

侗族情歌浅析

侗族情歌由于受地理环境、文化差异、方言特征等因素的影响,在南、北两大方言区各具特色。本文在对侗族南、北部情歌的种类、外化形式、艺术特征等要素论述的基础上,对其所折射出的婚恋观方面所独有的精神文化加以分析。     

贵州彝族传统情歌（曲谷）的音乐特色

Being one of the most ancient eth-nic groups in China, the ‘Yi’ have a long history and an abundant culture. Yi folk songs, which are widely sung in many regions of China, have vari-ous forms and styles. These folk songs reflect the lengthy history of the Yi society; indeed they ex-press the happiness and misery, the dreams and desires of the Yi people. Within this context, this article focuses on‘Qugu’ which is a unique type of music belonging to the Yi people. In fact most Yi people of Guizhou live in the Wumeng Mountains. In their quest for survival, over time the Yi had developed a series of natural worship rites which became one of the sources of their traditional mu-sic. In addition, Yi people formed a unique way to express their love: in times past they developed a tradition of singing in the mountains and forests as to convey their love to their beloved;the‘Qugu’ is one of these Yi’ s traditional love song genres.‘Qugu’ means ‘singing’ and this genre has its own social functioning. According to traditional Yi culture and habits, a ‘Qugu ’ should not be sung in front of parents, brothers, or other rela-tives;instead it should only be sung in a place sur-rounded by mountains and forests and on certain singing sites, called ‘Guji’(in Yi language). In most of the Yi settlements, such ‘singing sites ’ were placed far away from the villages, sometimes on flat areas and sometimes in the remote wilder-ness, in forests or caves. The singing activities on those special sites took place according to specific rules and calen-dars. During the so-called ‘singing festival’ peri-od ( from the 1 st to the 15 th day of the 1 st lunar month and on the 5th day of the 5th lunar month), the singing performances were particularly magnifi-cent. People of all ages, young and old, would gather together from all directions and would sing without interruption for several days. Moreover , the singing festival also had certain traditional rites ( ceremonies ) . For example, at the very beginning, certain clan elders or prestig-ious singers would offer wine and water to the‘heavens and earth ’ . After this offering, ‘the soul of the song’ was invited. The Yi people tradi-tionally worship nature and believe in animism, so indeed a ‘Qugu’ also has its own ‘soul’ . There-fore, when the singing festival would commence, they would invite the ‘soul of the song’ to come;this custom is called ‘Guyexi’ in the Yi language. The nextritual would be the ‘Guyidai ’ ( in Yi) , which means‘the settling down of the soul of the song’ at the particular singing site. There are lyrics like:‘If there is no settling down of the soul of the song, then when the next spring comes the sil-ver flowers will sever their roots, the golden flowers will sever their roots, and the singing sites cannot be set up ’ . After the settling down of the soul of the song, the next ceremony would be the ‘Gukoupu’ ( in Yi) or ‘opening of the mouth of the song ’:this basically means the ‘opening of the door of love’ and also indicates the formal beginning of‘Qugu’ activity. All of this shows indeed that the rite of‘Qugu’ is not as solemn as other rites, as in fact the lyrics of ‘Qugu ’ are mostly about love af-fairs and romance. When the‘Gukoupu’ ends, the young people can start to freely sing. There are indeed lyrics like: ‘Three young chaps brought three axes and went into three directions of the universe; they chopped three pine trees, sawed off three boards, made three chairs, and placed these facing three di-rections. They invited girls to take a seat; the girls sat down and sang. The girls invited the chaps to take a seat;the chaps sat down and sang’ . When this‘free singing’ begins, an ‘antiph-onal group singing’ starts at the singing site (‘Gu-ji ’ ); males and females take part in this and stand/sit separately as they all sing in antiphonal style. In the middle there is a ‘go-between ’ in charge of coordination, judging, and passing on information. The males and females sing and ob-serve back and forth. During this process, affec-tions may emerge between a certain male and fe-male. If indeed a guy or young lady takes a fancy to another person, he or she will ask the go-be-tween for help. If the counterpart gives a positive response, then the two will leave the group and go elsewhere to talk and sing. During this ‘antiphonal group-singing’ , each group can allow a certain ‘representative ’ to sing solo;this solo should not be a repeat of some song performed by someone from another group. The young males and females thus can each show off their voices by singing songs with free rhyme, sweet melodies, and serious or deep topics. It is easy to see that this ‘antiphonal group singing ’ provided a major means of romantic communication between young Yi men and women. In fact, the number of songs they could sing as well as the technique used in singing these significantly deter-mined one’ s ability to attract the opposite sex. As a consequence, both males and females were strongly committed to learn to sing, trying their best to master more and better songs. Through learning from their predecessors, they made an ef-fort to improve their singing abilities. As said, traditionally at the beginning of the singing festival, ‘the soul of the song’ would be invited; well, likewise at the end of the festival‘the soul of the song’ should be sent away again. The Yi people believed that if they would not send the soul of the song away, the young would be ob-sessed by affections all the time and even lose their minds. Finally, Guizhou Yi ’ s folk music-generally speaking-has a great variety in content, perform-ance locations, forms, and genres. Moreover, due to the regional differences music styles also vary geographically. All of this makes the multi-colored Yi music even more delightful and appealing. Unfortunately, the entire tradition ( ceremo-nies) of the‘Qugu’ as described above, no longer exists today. The singers who still know these pro-cedures are getting old and eventually will forget these rites. This is a big loss for the living tradition of the Yi culture, and it is a source of grief for those who study Yi culture, in China and abroad.     

基于出门人与守望者视角下的“花儿”艺术论

文认为"花儿"是一种源自出门人与守望之歌,这一特殊的艺术根源决定了"花儿"的主题、基调、风格和其历史与未来走向。这是理解"花儿"艺术的关键和钥匙。     

侗族“行歌坐月”的结构功能分析——基于一个南侗村落婚恋习俗的田野考察

"行歌坐月"用以指代侗族于"夜间的室内唱歌作乐"的相关习俗文化,来源于汉文典籍记载,它与侗语体系中的"甲寨"、"甲腊乜"、"俩腊乜"、"甲乌"、"瑞乜、"吝乜"、"览"等具有大致相同的指代对象。具体到阳烂侗族传统的"行歌坐月"主要指的是成长到一定年龄阶段特别是适婚的男性游走于大致相同年龄阶段的女性家进行"对歌抒情"的行为及其活动。目前,对于这一"行为及其活动"的研究,从尽可能多的文献资料查阅来看,关注的视角仍然主要集中在对事项本身的概括上,而将其视为一种社会事实进行细节的描述,当然也对其外延和内涵有了一定的探讨,但笔者认为仍还有可以进一步剖析的必要性。本文选择一个侗族文化氛围较浓的村落作为田野考察点,对其"行歌坐月"习俗进行结构功能的分析,以期达到"以小见大",更好地诠释社会、理解文化之目的。     

论少数民族声乐演唱的艺术特征及发展

我国少数民族声乐演唱的艺术特征在风格特点、演唱方法、语言差异及表现形式上形成了各具特色的民族声乐文化,在继承、融合、借鉴和创新的过程中,不断发展与繁荣。本文就此问题作具体探讨。     

侗族习惯法在解决林权纠纷中功能及路径选择——以广西三江侗族自治县林权改革为例

侗族地区林权纠纷是指发生在侗族地区的公民与公民之间,公民与法人和其他社会组织之间涉及林业民事权利义务争议的各种纠纷。这些纠纷具有普遍性、多发性、广泛性,情节复杂,法律后果严重等特点。侗族地区林权纠纷发生的原因有许多,其中一个重要的原因是林权改革导致的利益冲突,要解决这些纠纷和矛盾,除了要适用国家法之外,还必须利用侗族习惯法。侗族习惯法在解决林权纠纷中仍起到国家法不能替代的作用,利用好这些习惯法,对促进侗族地区的林权改革与和谐稳定是大有裨益的。     

壮族的史诗婚姻的教本 ——试论壮歌《盘同古》的文化价值及艺术特色

《盘同古》是一部叙述壮族始祖盘和古再造人类的神话故事歌,反映壮歌先民如何从血婚制时代逐步走进一夫一妻制婚姻时代的史实,堪称壮族的创世史诗、婚姻的教本,本文从人类学、文艺学的角度对其丰富的文化价值和精湛的艺术手法进行论述。     

多维视野中的壮侗民族建筑文化

以干栏式民居、鼓楼、风雨桥等建筑为代表的物质性文化,以营造技术、装饰工艺、居住方式为载体的行为性文化和以建筑仪式、居住信仰、习俗及审美情趣等观念性文化构成的建筑文化体系,是壮侗民族在长期的社会生活实践中因地制宜、富于创造、不断积累而形成的,是壮侗民族传统文化的重要组成部分,凝聚着壮侗民族的智慧与创造精神,其中蕴含着丰富的文化内涵,具有重要的历史、文化和学术价值。本文以多维的视野,对壮侗民族建筑文化的内涵及其价值进行揭示。     

村寨歌舞展演的路径选择——元阳县箐口村哈尼族歌舞展演的经济人类学考察

基于四年多对元阳县箐口村哈尼族歌舞展演活动的田野观察,本文简要呈现了文艺队的发展历程及存在的问题,认为从日常生活及仪式中抽离出来的"为展演的"歌舞,在现代旅游背景下已经成为民族文化产品.表达原有价值观念的减弱及经济利益诉求的加大是这些歌舞活动意义变化的基本方面.村民最终成为乡村文化产业发展的主体,展演者报酬递增制度的建立及完善是这类艺术获得发展的重要路径.     

古《竹枝词》中的回回风土人情

《竹枝词》 ,本巴渝一带的民歌。唐贞元中 ,诗人刘禹锡“以里歌鄙陋 ,乃依骚人九歌作竹枝新词九章” ,根据原民歌体制改作新词 ,歌咏三峡风光和男女爱情。在刘禹锡和白居易等人的积极影响下 ,后人仿效其体写《竹枝词》的很多 ,且多咏土俗琐事。七言绝句、语言通俗、音调轻快成为其鲜明的形式特征。在保存下来的古《竹枝词》中 ,有大量有关回回先民风土人情的作品 ,并因其民歌风格而使许多丰富的回回生活历史素材得以鲜活再现 ,这为我们探究古代回回生存状态提供了一条新的途径。