人口效应及其对中国经济增长的影响

对于人口增长与经济增长的关系,理论界存在着多种争论。本文首先在现代经济增长理论基础上建立了一个简单的逻辑框架,进而得出了关于人口增长与经济增长关系的预测,然后利用大量的经验数据初步证实了上述判断;虽然受各种因素的影响,人口增长的经济效应可能依时间、地点而有明显的差异,但无论是从长期还是短期来看,人口增长对经济增长都有一定的促进作用。因此,在目前的背景下,应当适时地调整现行的人口管理政策,以维持我国经济的持续增长。     

人口变动对长期经济发展的作用——基于台湾地区的经验数据

通过运用台湾地区1952～1999年的经验数据和向量误差修正计量模型检验了人口、技术进步与经济发展三者间的关系,研究发现总人口、技术进步和经济发展之间存在长期的稳定关系,经济发展是总人口和技术进步的函数;同时总人口对经济发展具有直接的负效果和间接的正效果,但是总体来看人口对于经济发展的作用是积极的。因此从长期经济发展的角度看,我国庞大的人口基数将是实现经济持续增长的有利条件。     

中国人口变动与经济增长

人口具有生产和消费的双重属性,因此人口变动与经济增长密切相关。考察中国改革开放以来的经济增长态势,以人口为中心系统地分析影响中国改革开放以来经济持续高速增长的主要因素。中国的人口变动主要从四个方面促进了改革开放以来经济持续的高速增长;如果没有其他突发性因素的冲击,单从人口变动因素来看,中国经济还可能再持续增长二十年。     

人力资本、人口变动与经济增长

本文在Lucas模型基础上,构建了一个人力资本、人口变动和经济增长模型,并分别利用1997～2004年全国30个省区市以及东部12个省、中部9个省、西部9个省的面板数据,使用固定效应模型对理论模型的预期结果进行了实证检验,发现人力资本、贸易开放度对经济增长具有显著正效应,而人口增长率、FD I与经济增长的关系则具有不确定性。这些结果可在一定程度上解释我国区域经济发展中存在的差距。特别值得指出的是,回归结果并不支持在东部发达地区率先尝试放松生育控制政策的观点。     

人口压力与经济增长:理论与中国的经验检验

文章在对传统评价人口压力的指标体系进行评述的基础上,构建衡量人口压力的指标体系,定量分析人口压力与人均经济增长率之间的关系。实行人口再生产干预的非均衡政策,确保在低生育率水平下对人口进行总量控制,全面提高中国的人口素质和生活质量,降低人口压力综合指数,促进人均经济增长。     

我国人口增长的经济和教育因素的实证检验

本文从经济增长和教育水平对人口增长影响的理论出发,建立人口增长与经济增长、教育水平之间的计量分析模型,分析得出结论:经济增长和教育水平对人口增长具有重要影响,经济增长、人民生活水平的改善和教育水平的提高会抑制人口的快速增长。最后据此给出政策建议。     

内蒙古人口与经济增长的相关性研究

人口与经济增长的关系是复杂的,内蒙古是民族自治地方,人口有其独特性,运用OLS模型实证分析各人口因素对经济增长的影响,结果显示：人口城镇化水平的提高、第二、三产业从业人员比重的上升及少儿抚养比的下降对1990年以来的内蒙古经济增长具有正相关作用;老年抚养比的上升、少数民族人口比重的提高对经济增长具有负相关作用;人口自然增长率、人口性别比及平均受教育年数对经济增长的作用不显著。     

我国人口年龄结构、储蓄效应与经济增长

本文遵循生命周期理论,在构建三期世代交叠模型的基础上,研究了人口年龄结构、储蓄率与经济增长之间的关系.本文运用1991-2010年我国29个省(市、自治区)的省际面板数据进行了实证分析,结果表明:实证分析结果与理论模型的预测分析相一致,其中少年儿童抚养比与储蓄率成呈负相关关系,老年抚养比的寿命效应超过了负担效应与储蓄率呈正相关关系,人口结构变量对人均GDP的影响大都通过了显著性检验,对被解释变量储蓄率和人均GDP增长进行了较好的解释.     

我国人口素质与经济增长关系实证分析

本文在对人口素质的概念进行讨论及其构成进行分析的基础上．阐述了国内关于人口素质与经济增长关系的研究现状,而且使用离散系数法测度我国的人口素质水平,并将其作为一个变量引入生产函数,对我国人口素质与经济增长间的关系进行了实证研究,从定量角度说明了人口素质对社会经济发展的意义。     

人口转变、人口红利与经济增长可持续性--兼论充分就业如何促进经济增长

本文援引国际经验,把人口转变引致的不同人口年龄特征阶段看作是经济增长的一个额外源泉,或人口红利;论证了通过高储蓄率、充足的劳动力供给和低抚养比,中国人口转变对改革以来高速经济增长的贡献;揭示了人口红利即将消失的趋势,由此提出最大化促进就业是维持人口对经济增长正面效应的关键.     

人口活跃因素对区域经济增长影响的研究

从30多年我国各地区的社会经济发展历程可看到一个事实,较发达地区人口在不断流入、人口素质在提高、人口年龄结构较为年轻且负担小。以人口素质、人口流动聚集、年龄结构等为表征量的人口活跃因素对经济发展的影响是不可忽视的。为了准确判定这三个人口因素在经济发展水平中的具体作用和对要素效率的影响,本文从多维度将三个因素综合为一个指标——人口活跃度指数,并将此指标引入生产函数,通过计量分析发现人口活跃因素无论内生作用于资本,还是内生作用于劳动力,对区域经济增长均有较大影响。表明人口活跃因素对经济发展水平不仅仅总体上有积极作用而且对于生产要素的效率有着显著影响。因而在未来区域经济增长和发展中要充分利用年轻化的人口年龄结构,促进区域人口有效流动,提高人口素质尤其劳动力人口素质。     

充分兑现人口红利 实现经济持续增长

经济发展和人口问题密切相关。改革开放以来,中国经济的高速发展,离不开人口红利的贡献。人口转变过程的特殊性,使得中国的人口红利来得早,也去得快。如何抓住这短暂的历史机遇,如何挖掘人口红利的巨大效应,从而发挥劳动力资源优势,提高劳动力配置效率,这不仅是中国获得经济持续高速发展的重要手段,也是迎接老龄化社会到来的当务之急。笔者认为,实现劳动力充分就业,消除城乡流动的障碍,提高劳动力素质,选择可持续的养老保障模式应成为促进人口红利兑现的重要途径。     

内生性人口负增长经济影响的国际比较北大核心CSSCI

由长期低生育率和老龄化导致的内生性人口负增长是未来人口发展的新趋势。这种崭新的人口现象改变了人口研究的宏观环境,也引发了人们对未来经济能否实现持续发展的普遍担忧。本文使用联合国2019年世界人口展望数据和世界银行数据,筛选出德国、俄罗斯、匈牙利、波黑、立陶宛、日本作为典型的人口负增长国家,以人口缩减比例作为人口负增长风险的度量指标,以各国持续时间最久的一次负增长时域作为考察范围,从国别队列视角和生命周期思想出发,利用同原点比较模型系统考察典型国家在人口负增长之后的经济增长、劳动参与率变化、固定资产变化和技术进步情况,探索人口负增长风险积累程度对社会经济的影响。结果发现:各典型国家的人口负增长无论持续时间长短、速度快慢,其经济在最长负增长时域内均尚未出现明显的衰退;人口负增长对劳动参与率的影响并不明显,各国劳动参与率整体上在稳定范围内波动;人口负增长对固定资本形成占GDP比重和技术进步的影响方向各异,尚未显示出统一规律。人口负增长对宏观经济指标的影响是多种效应的合力,不是单向度的,充满了不确定性和异质性。尽管国际经验如此,未来中国将在“未富先负”的背景下迎来“快负快老”,仍需要未雨绸缪,谨慎应对。     

上海经济增长中的适度流动人口问题探讨

流动人口问题是我国改革开放以来各大中城市发展过程中所面临的重要问题之一。本文根据经济发展与流动人口的关系论述了现阶段在各大中城市对流动人口规模与结构进行适度控制的必要性 ,并以上海为例 ,借助于城市生产函数建立了一定时期内的适度流动人口规模模型 ,定量地分析、测算了与上海城市经济增长相适应的适度流动人口规模并提出了相关的政策建议。     

D. V. Glass on the Problems of a Declining Population

During the past quarter century fertility has dropped below replacement levels in many parts of the world. According to United Nations estimates, in 2005 this was the case in 65 countries, comprising 43 percent of the world's population. In many cases, most notably in Europe and East Asia, the shortfall of fertility from the level that would be necessary in the long run to sustain a stationary population is substantial. In Europe, for example, the average total fertility rate for the period 2000–2005 was 1.4. Indefinite maintenance of such a level implies a shrinkage of the total population by one‐third over a generation–roughly every 30 years. Accompanying that rapid decline of total numbers would be an age structure containing a preponderance of the elderly, posing extreme adjustment difficulties for the economic and social system. Societies that wish to avoid radical depopulation would have to engineer a substantial rise infertility–if not to full replacement level (slightly more than two children per woman), then at least to a level that would moderate the tempo of population decline and make population aging easier to cope with. An additional counter to declining numbers, if not significantly to population aging, could come from net immigration. This is the demographic future assumed in the UN medium‐variant projections for countries and regions currently of very low fertility. Thus, for example, in Europe over the period up to 2050 fertility is assumed to rise to 1.85 and net immigration to amount to some 32 million persons. The UN projections also anticipate further improvement in average life expectancy–from its current level of 74 years to 81 years. This factor slows the decline in population size but accelerates population aging. Under these assumptions, Europe's population would decline from its present 728 million to 653 million by 2050. At that time the proportion of the population over age 65 would be 27.6 percent, nearly double its present share. Demographic change of this nature is not a novel prospect. It was envisioned in a number of European countries and in North America, Australia, and New Zealand in the late 1920s and early 1930s. Concern with the possible economic and social consequences generated much discussion at that time among demographers and social scientists at large and also attracted public attention. Possible policy measures that might reverse the downward trend of fertility were also debated, although resulting in only hesitant and largely inconsequential action. The article by D. V. Glass reproduced below is an especially lucid and concise treatment of demographic changes under conditions of low fertility and their economic and social implications. It appeared in Eugenics Review (vol. 29, no. 1, pp. 39–47) in 1937 when the author was 26 years old. Glass's line of argument is broadly representative of the main focus of demographic analysis in the mid‐1930s on aspects of population dynamics, applying the then still novel analytical tool of the stable population model. It also echoes the work of economists then witnessing the great difficulties capitalist economies faced in adjusting to structural changes in consumer demand and labor supply. While Glass addresses these issues primarily with reference to England and Wales, he sees the issues as affecting all industrialized countries. The Malthusian problem of relentless population growth he persuasively declares to be irrelevant for these countries. The Western world faces the opposite problem: population decline, a trend only temporarily masked by the effects of an age distribution that still has a relatively high proportion of women in the child‐bearing ages, reflecting the higher fertility level of the past. A stationary population, Glass cogently argues, is to be welcomed, and he considers the absolute size at which zero growth would be achieved relatively unimportant. In contrast, a continuous population decline would have “thoroughly disastrous” results in an individualist civilization and in “an unplanned economic system.” And, he concedes, somewhat quaintly, that sustained below‐replacement fertility would pose a great problem “even in a country in which the means of production were owned communally.” Glass's conclusions about the reversibility of low fertility are as pessimistic as those of most informed observers today. Still, he sees hope in a future “rationally planned civilization” that would “produce an environment in which high fertility and a high standard of life will both be possible.” In this context, high fertility means the level necessary to sustain the population in a stationary state. By present‐day standards the level Glass calculates as needed for long‐term zero growth is indeed fairly high: 2.87 children per woman. But that figure reflects the fact that, when he wrote, mortality up to age 50 was still fairly high and fertility occurred almost wholly within marriage; it also assumes zero net immigration. In the last 70 years much has changed in each of these three components of population dynamics, both in England and Wales and in the rest of Europe. Still, Glass's commentary remains highly relevant to the discussion of the problems of low fertility today. David Victor Glass (1911–78) was associated with the London School of Economics throughout much of his scientific career. He followed R. R. Kuczynski as reader in demography in 1945 and became professor of sociology in 1948. His work on demography, population history, and population policy had already made him one of the most influential demographers in pre‐World War II Britain. After the war he rose to international prominence through pioneering work on the Royal Commission of Population; through his research on historical demography, the history of demographic thought, and social mobility; and through founding, in 1947, the journal Population Studies, which he edited until his death.     

中国的经济开放与经济型人口流动

本文从地区工资差别和就业机会的理论出发 ,论证了中国的经济型人口及劳动力流动的变化 ,并根据哈里斯和托达罗的模型 ,结合作为中国典型的人口流动现象的农村剩余劳动力向城市流动的趋向 ,提出了经济开放刺激的城市经济环境是诱发人口流动的主要的原因     

近代东北人口增长及其对经济发展的影响

近代东北地区是我国人口增长最快的地区,人口增长的主要原因是大量移民人口的增加,而不是靠人口的自然增长,其中大量跨境移民的涌入是一个重要特征。大量的国内移民人口的增加促进了东北近代农业的发展,这一定程度上缓解了近代中国内地的人口压力。另外,大量移民人口的增加促进了近代东北地区贸易、工业和城市等的发展,从而促进了近代东北经济的发展。     

Population Density is a Key Factor in Declining Human Fertility

In studying the complex determinants of human fertility, social scientists have given little attention to population density, although reproduction has been shown to be density-dependent for a wide variety of other species. Using fixed effects models on the time series of 145 countries and controlling for key social and economic variables, we find a consistent and significant negative relationship between human fertility and population density. Moreover, we find that individual fertility preferences also decline with population density. These findings suggest that population density should be included as a variable in future studies of fertility determinants.

The Effect of Population Growth on Economic Growth: A Meta‐Regression Analysis of the Macroeconomic Literature

Many studies have sought to gauge the impact of population growth on economic growth. A well‐known stylized fact of this literature is that the estimated effects of population growth measures on economic growth are not robust, varying between being positive, negative, and insignificantly different from zero. The present study analyzes 471 statistical regressions from 29 prominent economic growth studies using meta‐regression analysis to identify the effect of alternative methodologies on key population growth results. This study finds that a broad set of methodological factors explains more than half of the variation in the population growth effects observed from this literature, including the types of variables used to measure population growth, the countries selected, the time frame of the analysis, and the nature of the control variables specified. The study also yields results that have implications for policymakers, especially insofar as several policy factors seem to influence the population change–economic growth nexus. Particularly strong is the evidence in support of the increasingly adverse effects of population growth in the post‐1980 period, suggesting that demographic issues should warrant greater attention than they currently receive from the policymaking community.