Articulation,national unity and the aesthetics of living against occupation in Elia Suleiman’s Palestine Trilogy

This article interrogates questions of political subjectivity and representation in the context of late modern colonialism, by reading Elia Suleiman’s Palestine trilogy against a wider history of Palestinian political articulation. It suggests that Suleiman’s films detach the Palestinians’ struggle from the national paradigm, and create a political aesthetics that does not reduce the Palestinians to passive victims, nor depends upon their ability to reconstruct national unity and a coherent struggle for liberation. The political importance of this post-nationalism cannot, however, be understood unless it is tied to the specific historical and discursive conjuncture in which the Palestinians exist today. Undoing discourses of Palestinian nationalism, I argue, has become particularly important since the break up of the Oslo accords, not despite, but because of the exigencies of the colonial occupation and the imperative of finding efficient ways of resisting it.     

Intolerance of "Others" among Palestinian and Jewish Students in Israel

This study analyzes intolerance against diverse sociopolitical groups and compares the social and political attitudes of two distinct and highly differentiated groups: Jewish and Palestinian high-school students in Israel. It examines their perceptions of the political context that structurates their "reality," and aims to find the factors that influence the extremity of their intolerance. The proposed model is more applicable to Jewish students than it is to Palestinians and shows that intolerance toward out-groups is influenced by religiosity, the salience of national and civic identity, national security issues, and political ideology.     

Literature Review: Identity Construction in the Context of Being a Minority Immigrant Religion: The Case of Western-born Muslims

This paper seeks to assess when and how the Lebanese Diaspora in Australia, Canada and the USA is most able to affect homeland affairs in Lebanon. Drawing on over 300 in-depth interviews and analysing literature on the Lebanese Diaspora and Lebanon itself, the article seeks to categorise the spectrum of diaspora engagement with Lebanon and more fully define the diaspora's homeland participation. Tentative conclusions indicate that the Lebanese Diaspora is most able to affect homeland affairs when the state is absent or unable to perform its functions as well as because the various political factions do not want a state built. However, to date, despite its renowned strength, the Lebanese Diaspora has not been able to affect change in the sectarian nature of Lebanese homeland politics nor in the too often replicated sectarian politics in the diaspora. We conclude that the diaspora is thus both strong and weak vis-à-vis affecting homeland public affairs.     

Learning to be Palestinian in Athens: constructing national identities in diaspora

In this article I focus on constructions of diasporic national identities and the nation as active and strategic processes using the case study of Palestinians in Athens. I seek, thereby, to contribute to debates on national identity, the nation and long‐distance nationalism, particularly in relation to those in diaspora with a collective cause to advocate. I explore how first‐ and second‐generation Palestinians in Athens construct and narrate Palestinian national identities, the homeland and political unity. I argue that the need to ‘choose’ to be Palestinian, often for political reasons, highlights that the nation is not a ‘given’ entity. This can be a difficult process for those in diaspora to deal with, as there may be tensions between constructions of political unity and attachment to the homeland and feelings of ambivalence and in‐between‐ness that may be seen as politically counterproductive. However, I stress that ‘messy’ and contradictory narratives and spatialities of diasporic national identities that come about as a result of cross‐border or transnational (dis)connections do not necessarily lead to apathy and, therefore, can be important.     

Palestinian Society

Conclusion Several observations are in order. One is that despite a considerable divergence in the points of view, the authors of the works under review share a single language and methodology, that of the modern social sciences, and a common commitment to understanding Palestinian society. There is a significant overlap of subject matter as well. It is not always possible to infer the personal sympathies of the author from his or her essay.Since the illusion of a Palestinian military threat to Israel has been dispelled, these volumes' lasting contribution is the findings they provide on the political economy of Palestinian society. The Palestinian's future on the West Bank and in Gaza will depend on the differential impact of these territories' incorporation into the Israeli economy on specific groups within the society, as well as by Israeli policies of control, and the will and capacity of the Palestinians to resist them. The work of Tamari, Graham-Brown, Taqqu, Lustick, Migdal, and others contained in the volumes under review here provides a necessary perspective from which to observe events. To the extent that the complex dispute between Israelis and Palestinians turns on the land question, the specific ways in which land is alienated and peasant populations are transformed into workers has a major bearing on ultimate outcomes.Consideration of Palestinian society raises significant theoretical issues. These include the impact upon agricultural societies of their integration into the capitalist world market, the role of the state in the rule of minorities, the study of elite factionalism, and the development of national consciousness. The findings of the works on Palestinian society suggest the following hypotheses: that agricultural populations respond to the market in differential ways, which can work against the emergence of both nationalist and working class consciousness; that the policies adopted by states confronted with highly politicized minorities can have significant impacts; that factionalism is a product of state policy choices (and not foreordained), and that national consciousness does not diminish (and may increase) with economic incorporation. The recent literature on Palestinian society thus has strategic contributions to make to the social sciences.Finally, in studying Palestinian society, we come to grips more directly than we might in a less highly conflicted subject with the problematic epistemological grounds on which the social sciences are erected. Here we can see (somewhat more clearly than normally) the ways in which the questions asked by social scientists derive from their positions in the political and intellectual fields of their societies. This may be a salutary and sobering experience.

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The Association Between Right-Wing Political Ideology and Youth Distress

The study examines the association between ideological worldviews among youth and the sense of distress resulting from political events. It examines two hypotheses: the first is that events that contradict ideological worldviews are associated with greater distress levels and the second is that the higher the level of ideological commitment, the higher the distress level will be, regardless of the type of stressor. Therefore this study examines distress levels among right-wing adolescents exposed to two different political stressors: (a) Palestinian terror—which matches their right-wing ideology that regards the Palestinians as an enemy, and (b) the evacuation of settlements—which contradicts their right-wing ideology. As expected, higher distress levels were found during evacuation of settlements, compared to the response to Palestinian terror. It was also found that ideological commitment was positively associated with levels of distress with regard to both stressors. The study was supported by the R&D Center—Samaria & Jordan Rift and by the Adler Research Center, Tel Aviv University.     

什叶派集体认同与黎巴嫩民族国家构建

19世纪中叶以来,现代黎巴嫩民族国家逐渐形成。黎马龙派、逊尼派和德鲁兹派接受了以黎巴嫩为“永恒祖国”的原则,并将之作为构建黎巴嫩民族国家的基础。但黎什叶派传统的以封建家族首领为核心的教派认同,在经历了阿拉伯民族主义的挑战后,转变为以什叶派政治组织和民兵武装为基础的新什叶派教派认同。这种集体认同所具有的亲伊朗和叙利亚的属性,对构建黎巴嫩民族国家形成挑战。     

“We are all Hizbullah now”: narrating the Party of God

This essay is the first examination of the literary output of the Lebanese political party and militia Hizbullah. It examines a series of little-known fiction and non-fiction texts including novels, memoirs and autobiographies by Hizbullah fighters, supporters and sympathisers. At the same time, it seeks to place such Hizbullah narratives within the context not only of the Party’s media strategy but of the publishing industry in Lebanon more widely. The essay also argues that Hizbullah narratives consistently explore a cluster of key themes including the Karbala tragedy, Anti-Zionism and, in particular, the “infitah” or “Lebanonisation” of the Party. In conclusion, the essay argues that narratives of Hizbullah reflect the Party’s own gradual evolution over its 30-year existence from a purely sectarian group to a broader resistance movement that attracts support from across the religious and political spectrum.     

Analysing State–Civil Society Associations Relationship: The Case of Lebanon

Civil society organizations in Lebanon have a long history, pre-dating even the existence of the Lebanese state itself, which has directly shaped their major phases of development since its creation. Based on the social origins theory and using the framework developed by Marchetti and Tocci (Peace Secur Former Pac Rev Peace Secur Glob Chang 21:201–217, 2009), this paper analyses the relationships that have developed between the state and civil society organizations in Lebanon. The main argument presented in this paper is that the scope of work of civil society organizations, in addition to their freedom of action, is directly linked to the social, political and economic development of the state. The main conclusion of this paper is that a new social contract should be forged between associations and the state in Lebanon, one that would allow them to carry out their functions properly.     

Palestinian perceptions of home and belonging in Britain: negotiating between rootedness and mobility

In this article based on ethnographic research among Palestinians in Britain, I argue that applying a ‘decentred’ conception of diaspora provides an understanding of the complexity of Palestinian identity-making in Britain. After a critical review of theorizations of the notion of diaspora and its relevance to this case study, I discuss ethnographic data to illustrate how processes of rooting and mobility are linked together in various contexts in which personal migration trajectories and positionalities play an important part. I demonstrate that, for Palestinians in Britain, diaspora relates to connections constructed both in relation to their homeland and other frames of reference: in relation to both roots and mobility.     

Profiles of refugee and non-refugee Palestinians from the West Bank and Gaza

Relying on demographic and labour surveys which the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics collected in 1995, this article investigates the profile of West Bank and Gaza refugees. Refugees are better educated and have higher fertility than non-refugee Palestinians, but the difference is small. However, they have a significantly lower participation rate, a higher unemployment rate and a higher incidence of arrests and work stoppage than the corresponding rates among non-refugee Palestinians. A smaller proportion of Palestinians commute to work into the Israeli labour market and refugees earn lower wages than non-refugees. Returns to investment in education are small for both groups. High fertility among refugees imposes a future challenge for policy makers in terms of resources required for the provision of appropriate education and health facilities. Employing future labour market entrants is another serious policy challenge.     

Predictors of aggression among Palestinians in Israel and Gaza: Happiness,need to belong,and self-control

The present study examined a strong need for belonging (sensitivity to social rejection) as a risk factor and happiness and self-control skills as protective factors in predicting peer-directed aggression among 292 Israeli Palestinian Arab adolescents and 398 Gazan Palestinian Arab adolescents of similar ages (mean ~ 14 years). Findings demonstrated that the two Palestinian groups showed similar aggression rates, but Israeli Palestinians revealed higher self-control, higher happiness, and higher need for belonging than their Gazan peers. Moreover, each of the three predictors, separately, was significantly linked to aggression for the Israelis but not for the Gazans. Possible explanations are discussed related to sex, cultural differences, and life conditions.     

The power and limits of ethnonationalism: Palestinians and Eastern Jews in Israel, 1974-1991

The relative standings of four ethnic groups - Muslim Palestinians, Christian Palestinians, Asian-African Jews, European Jews -were compared, using mobility data from 1974 and 1991. The findings show that despite the lack of government support and the prevalence of inexorable discrimination against Israeli Palestinians, they have narrowed the gap with Asian-African Jews in both education and occupational prestige. This finding demonstrates that ideological and political hegemony is not always effective in improving the socio-economic standing of preferred minorities (Asian-African Jews), and that social and economic structures may counterbalance the anti-Palestinian nationalist ideology. The analysis suggests that residential and educational segregation of Palestinians protects them from direct competition with European Jews, whereas Asian-African Jews have to compete with this dominant group in schools, as well as in the labour market.     

Interview: Sukaynah Salameh,director of the Vocational Development Association (VDSA), Lebanon

In this interview, Sukaynah Salameh, director of the nongovernmental Vocational Development Association (VDA) of Lebanon, states that the VDA was created to provide Palestinian and Lebanese youth with employment skills appropriate for local market conditions. The young men and women served by the VDA have had their education curtailed by 15 years of civil war and deteriorating economic conditions in their country. The situation is particularly difficult for Palestinian refugee women who face employment opportunities limited by scarce jobs, laws regulating the employment of refugees, competition by cheaper migrant labor, and women's unequal status. Most training programs provide refugee women with skills that do little but enhance their housekeeping skills. The VDA offers 6-9 month training courses using its own curricula. In addition, the VDA keeps a roster of its graduates to evaluate the usefulness of its training. This record-keeping allowed the VDA to determine that the market was being saturated with the skills they were offering. Therefore, the VDA conducted a market analysis that focused on the socioeconomic status of refugee women. This research revealed that the number of refugee girls enrolled in primary and intermediate school has gradually declined, although most young women 15-25 years old want to learn skills in order to find jobs. In order to increase the level of female enrollment in its vocational courses, the VDA decided to provide women who already have basic education skills with additional training in subjects the market is demanding, like architecture and design and computer studies. In addition, the VDA has begun an individual outreach program to promote the idea of female education and employment and has developed a network to help women find jobs.     

Foreign Wars and Domestic Prejudice: How Media Exposure to the Israeli‐Palestinian Conflict Predicts Ethnic Stereotyping by Jewish and Arab American Adolescents

This study was based on the theory that adolescents view scenes of violent ethnic conflicts in the mass media through the lens of their own ethnicity, and that the resulting social‐cognitive reactions influence their negative stereotypes about similar ethnic groups in their own country. We interviewed 89 Jewish and 180 Arab American high school students about their exposure to the Israeli‐Palestinian conflict, their social cognitive reactions to it, and their stereotypes toward ethnic groups. Beyond the effects of ethnic identity, the degree to which adolescents identified with Israelis and Palestinians in the media was a key variable linking exposure to media depictions of the conflict and the implicit ethnic stereotypes they displayed about Jewish Americans and Arab Americans.     

Palestinian National Authority's public relations policies relating to Israel: Current attitudes among Palestinian officials and media experts

This study investigates attitudes about Palestinian public relations policies during the Palestinian struggle in the Israeli media war and future challenges that will face the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) in public relations planning. This study shows that Palestinian groups have mixed attitudes toward PNA's public relations plans and policies. The media experts tend to see the PNA's efforts as reactive, not pro-active. The experts think that PNA's main concern has been to follow up on daily political events, and thus its approach to public relations has been more of a reaction to Israeli practices rather than a strategic pro-active plan.     

A trio of talented women: abolition,gender, and political participation, 1780–91

This study presents new information about three influential women, Mary Morris Knowles, Anna Seward, and Jane Harry Thresher, who supported abolition during the formative period when anti-slavery sentiment crystallized into the national campaign against the slave trade. Focusing on their connections, political ideologies and pro-abolition activities indicates important ties to radical Patriot ideas, ‘the politics of complexion’ and the power of poetry in shaping early support for abolition. By 1791, attitudes toward gender, slavery and abolition had become intertwined across the spectrum of support for and opposition to slave holding and slave-trading. This study indicates that female participation constituted an important element in the origins of the public movement and documents the social and political importance of this female friendship network in the early abolition campaign.     

Pornography and moral attitudes

Previous research identifies two dissimilar strains of anti‐pornography sentiment: conservative moral traditionalism and feminism. Spokespersons for each of these sources of opposition to pornography have achieved some visibility in the media and political arena, but their general level of support is undetermined. This study analyzes the underpinnings of attitudes toward pornography in the public with data from a citywide survey. Initially, five demographic factors, five religiosity factors, three political indicators, and sexual restrictiveness are examined as pornography attitude predictors using bivariate and multivariate techniques. Women and elderly, married, and less educated persons are most condemning of pornography as are religious traditionalists, political conservatives, and persons with restrictive attitudes toward sexuality. These patterns are analyzed further with the estimation of a causal model, gender interaction terms, and a decomposition of the predictor variables’ effects. Although women are notably more opposed to pornography than men, there are no substantial gender interaction effects, and gender effects on pornography are largely direct.     

The social implications of population displacement and resettlement in the Middle East. Conference report

The focus was on a conference on population displacement and resettlement in the Middle East and on brief summaries of 8 papers in the first study group and 9 papers in the second study group. The conference was held at the Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology at the Yarmouk University in Ibid, Jordan, on February 21-24, 1990, and on July 29-31, 1991. Scholars from diverse disciplines gathered to fill a gap in the literature on displacement in the Middle East and to develop a regional theoretical and comparative framework for the study of population movement. A concluding definition of displacement and/or resettlement was determined. The first study group determined that labor or seasonal migration and displacement were both on a continuum with intersecting characteristics, and not divergent. Research should account for the nature, the forcing agents, the underlying causes, the implications, and the outcome of the displacement. The second study group had a more empirical agenda and included the first study group as discussants. The first study group began with a presentation by Dr. Seteney Shami, which reviewed existing literature, outlined unique characteristics for displacement in the Middle East, and discussed the literature on the Nubians, Palestinians, and Bedouins. Other topics included the official settlement of peasants in Iraq and the impact on women and work, the political and economic roles of class among the Palestinian coastal bourgeoisie and other classes, migratory cycles of the Bedouin and disruption by the oil exploration, and historical displacement in Turkey. The second study group focused on migration to the Khartoum area in Sudan among nine unplanned settlements, the two-stage displacement of low-income households from rent-controlled buildings in Cairo and its impact on community structure and employment and social supports, migration from the Suez Canal to Zagazig City in Egypt, displacement due to the Gulf crisis (a case study, the impact on the Jordanian economy, and Kuwaitis in Cairo), displacement in Sudan from war and drought, displacement and health in Beirut and after the Gulf War, and displacement and identity. The policy implications and the lack of research teams were also discussed. A selection of articles has been prepared for publication in one volume by the Institute.     

Palestinian labour mobility

"Following an overview of demographic and migratory trends since the late 1960s, the article examines labour force participation and analyses the distribution of Palestinian workers between the three labour markets in which they participate: the domestic market of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, the Israeli market and the Arab market, consisting chiefly of Jordan and the oil-rich Arab states. Since 1982 there has been a contraction of employment opportunities for Palestinians in the latter two labour markets. Domestic job creation is one of the main tasks confronting the Palestinian administration to be set up under the 1993 Israel/PLO agreement."