美国媒体在世纪初战争中的作为和立场分析——与越战对比

2004年以来,美国媒体报道的军方虐囚丑闻至今未曾停息。媒体在世纪初战争中的这一表现与40年前在越战中的表现有一定的相似性,但是由于时代背景和战争对手的不同,媒体的战争表现存在一定的差异。笔者试图从媒体的报道方式、战争对手的形象建构、媒体在战争中的能动性以及报道立场这四个方面将二者作对比,分析其中的异同,并由此预测,美国媒体在下一场战争中形成大规模反战论调的可能性不大。     

以色列在非对称战争中的媒体策略调整

战争与媒体有着密切的联系。尤其是在实力悬殊的非对称战争中,媒体策略的运用在造成以弱胜强或者强者不能赢局面的过程中发挥了重要作用。以色列是地处中东危机频发的国家,拥有比较完善的危机管理机制,并通过战争总结经验教训,不断完善。本文以2006年黎以战争和2008年至2009年之交的加沙战争为例,考察了以色列在两次非对称战争中的媒体政策的调整,政府新闻部门、国防军和媒体的组合拳是当今以色列在非对称战争中媒体策略运用的主要特点,并取得了比较明显的效果。因此,媒体战、信息战在今后的非对称战争中也将占据更为重要的位置。     

Globalized Hopes and Disillusions

In contrast to the common tendency to see war as the result of leadership decisions based on risk assessments, and political and economic considerations about gains or losses, we use a constructivist and institutional perspective to historicize and politicize the way “nation‐state interests” and “nation‐state preferences” even in a decision to go to war are socially constructed and culturally embedded. We maintain that with the end of the Cold War, many societies found themselves at a crossroads where they had to resolve internal conflicts in regards to neoliberal globalization. These internal conflicts and a crisis of identity, between those who supported the principle of globalization and regarded it as a promise for democracy, openness, liberty and peace, and those who saw it as a danger to their exceptionality and distinctiveness, ended in wars (either internal wars or external wars) when the objectors of neoliberal globalization succeeded in creating an institutional turn which presented war as the “efficient,” “necessary,” “legitimate”, or “desired” solution to the new threatening reality. We demonstrate the validity of this argument by using Israel as a test case, examining how institutional changes in the 1990s, arising from internal societal conflicts around the Oslo Agreements, led the state to move from the brink of peace to new wars despite exogenous objections to its policy.     

Non‐understanding as a heuristic to hypothesizing cultural models: A meta‐oriented sociolinguistic strategy1

This article is concerned with the development of an analytic strategy to construct U.S. cultural models of war and terrorism, which are ‘mediatized’ or significantly shaped by the media. Central to that strategy are repair cues to non‐understanding as heuristics in intercultural encounters. These are applied to an inherently mediatized discursive ‘reality’ of war and terrorism. Theoretically, I synthesize sociolinguistic and anthropological perspectives into a ‘meta‐oriented sociolinguistics’, which analytically focuses on the meta‐dimension of discourse. The strategy is applied to a text on war and terrorism from the New York Times, to demonstrate its utility. Furthermore, I provide implications for enhancing validity in the ethnography of mediatized discourse. Specific to the findings of this article, I suggest that corpus studies of media discourse should be conducted on the metadiscursive keywords kamikaze, surprise attacks, Pearl Harbor, and 9/11 in particular temporal frames.     

Mental health and the media: From illness to wellbeing

The media are a main source of information about mental health for many people, and an ever‐growing body of literature is evaluating their coverage of the topic. To help keep track of such research, several comprehensive but now dated literature reviews have been published. We assess more recent studies (2007–2017) and suggest future directions by integrating (a) the “circuit of mass communication” model from media and communication studies which posits that production, content, and reception need to be analysed for an in‐depth understanding of the media, (b) the holistic view of mental health as comprising both illness and wellbeing, and (3) the critical psychiatry literature questioning the assumptions underlying psychiatric knowledge and practice. We find that recent studies have focused on content and “the illness side” of mental health by examining the representation of particular mental disorders and events involving individuals with specific diagnoses. We identify as a promising development the growing interest in “the wellbeing side” of mental health whereby authors have started to analyse recovery messages. We invite more production and reception research and more critical content studies which use diagnostic labels cautiously and analyse the representation of people with mental health problems as the victims of violence.     

Possibilities for Using the Internet in Japanese Education in the Information Age Society

As the globalization of the economy has accelerated in recent years, the Internet has become an essential part of the infrastructure, primarily as a communications medium. In the Information Age society, the ADC principle (autonomy, distribution, and collaboration) has become an underlying assumption, which also applies to the institution of education. The fading power of Japan may come from its educational system, which emphasizes standardization and uniformity, while discouraging creativity and individuality. Now is the time for Japan to reevaluate its educational system at every level so that it better supports the societal and business needs of the Information Age economy. Therefore, this paper proposes five kinds of changes to the Japanese educational system. They are community networks, digital kids and participatory education, growing up digital and youth education, online higher education, and media literacy education for the elderly. First, community networks provide citizens with better and more convenient access to local services, activities, and information. Second, the notion of the digital kid suggests that it should be participatory, including all members of the community. Third, as digital kids grow up digital using the Internet would enhance both intergenerational and intra‐generational communication in the twenty‐first century. Fourth, online higher education should become widely available in Japanese society in the twenty‐first century. Fifth, although media literacy education for the elderly in Japan is yet to come to its maturity, senior network groups are beginning to receive wider attention as they will provide Japanese elderly with a new avenue for communication. When and only when these educational reforms are pursued, will Japanese people be able to participate effectively in the global society.     

Multiculturalism and Cultural Issues in Online Gaming Communities

This article looks at racism, nationalism, and culture wars within multicultural Internet communities, specifically looking at Omerta, an international mafia‐themed text‐based massively multiplayer online role‐playing game (MMORPG). Omerta allows players to live and create a world of their own where groups of players, called families, interact and work together in peace and war. The text‐based aspect leads the majority of play dealing with negotiations in multi‐user chat (Internet Relay Chat), with the focus being on diplomacy and negotiation. Within the Omerta game, players of Turkish nationality have been refused admission into some families due to the perception that their primary loyalties are to other members of their own nationality, rather than members of their current family. This has led to much turmoil within the community and the creation of “Turkish Alliances”— families consisting of only Turkish players due to the lack of recruiting from other nationalities. What does this say about the functionality of multiculturalism and the possibility for success?     

21st Century American Military Families: A Review in the Context of the Wars in Afghanistan and Iraq

This article has three interrelated objectives designed to highlight military family studies in the context of the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Often referred to collectively as “the war on terror,” Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan and Operation Iraqi Freedom represent the most comprehensive wars fought with an all‐volunteer force since the nation's independence. I review the literature on American military families with an emphasis on the challenges facing military families during these operations. First I provide coverage of issues specific to military marriages and then address the research on children of military families. The article ends with an argument for scholars to take a more integrated approach to the study of military families that would help break down the current state of family scholarship and military family scholarship as parallel lines of inquiry.     

Limites et pertinence de la guerre juste face au terrorisme et aux nouvelles guerres

This article aims to examine the pertinence as well as the limits of the just war theory in order to apprehend the ethical issues raised by contemporary forms of political violence. Terrorism is undoubtedly an extreme case of political violence that puts to the test the theoretical and practical relevance of jus ad bellum and jus in bello principles. From a sociological point of view, it appears necessary to understand contemporary terrorism within the historical evolution of armed conflicts and under the light of current research devoted to the concept of ‘new wars’. Although I will argue that just war theory does not sufficiently take into account current studies on the empirical features of contemporary wars, it is nonetheless possible to salvage the theoretical and practical relevance of just war theory in a more specified sense. From a philosophical point of view, the goal of this article is to confront the theoretical and practical relevance of just war theory with the current body of research in the field of the sociology of war in order to assess both its limitations and its potential scope.     

Nouvelles guerres justes,nouvelles guerres saintes

Holy wars and just wars are two distinct categories regarding their justification. The first claims that God himself commands and supports war or, at least, that God is the ultimate legitimization. On this side of the world, two types of holy war have existed: the crusade and the jihad. By contrast, the just war is justified by the need to deploy an awareness of uncertainty, because that war intends to be after all a prudent decision. The challenge is to class brutality under a moral action and to place war under both the criteria of legitimacy and a less inhumane violence. Totalitarianism of the twentieth century has continued holy war, even if religions have been replaced by justificatory idéologies. Today, the wars waged on behalf of human rights and under international law, such as the war in Kosovo, may be recognized as new'holy wars' conducted on behalf of an unwavering certainty: they are of a Manichean type; while a'just war' in the contemporary context is one that belongs to a particular decision, such as the American war in Iraq, and thus submitted to the uncertainty and debate, and assuming the consequences of the decision.     

WHAT DO BRITISH HISTORICAL DATA TELL US ABOUT GOVERNMENT SPENDING MULTIPLIERS?

British data from the early 1700s through World War I reflect the results of numerous high‐quality natural experiments of government spending. Britain frequently participated in wars, increasing military spending massively. Wartime distortions were relatively limited because the government generally adopted tax smoothing policy and rarely implemented interventions. Government spending multiplier estimates are low or negative and significantly below unity. This paper finds no evidence that the multiplier was higher in the slack state than in the normal state. (JEL E32, E62)     

GLOBALIZATION,CULTURE WARS,AND ATTITUDES TOWARD SOCCER IN AMERICA: An Empirical Assessment of How Soccer Explains the World†

This study examines the “culture wars” using the lens of attitudes toward soccer. Despite soccer's increasing popularity in the United States, anti‐soccer rhetoric is fairly common. In his widely read book, How Soccer Explains the World (2004), Foer contends that the “culture wars,” including divisions over soccer, are better explained by reactions to globalization than social class or political ideology. Using data from a survey of Nebraskans, we find that attitudes about cultural globalization are the best predictor of soccer sentiment. Contrary to popular claims about the “culture wars,” most respondents were moderate in their attitudes toward both soccer and globalization.     

Sociology and New Wars in the Era of Globalisation

The sociology of war has used a number of analytical perspectives to explain why the end of the Cold War saw outbreaks of violence around the world in the form of 'new wars', rather than universal peace. Factors often considered are globalisation, nationalist ideology, political elites, the Revolution in Military Affairs, international crime and migration. Sociological analysis of these new wars often makes use of comparative historical sociology, but these are wars of state disintegration rather than of state formation. This summary undertakes a critical evaluation of different approaches, arguing that they mostly follow a model of war inherited from Clausewitz which conceives of war only as an encounter between two states and so cannot successfully explain new war, where armed forces no longer primarily fight each other but target civilians.     

Social representations of history,wars and politics in Latin America,Europe and Africa

Abstract

This study analyzes how people perceive world history on three continents: Latin America, Europe and Africa. A total of 1179 university students form Argentina, Brazil, Peru, Portugal, Spain, Guinea-Bissau, and Cape Verde were asked to evaluate world events and leaders in terms of their valence and importance. The results demonstrated that social representations of history show a Euro/North American-centric, long-term positive evaluation, recency, and socio-centric bias. Euro/North American-centric events and leaders were found to be rated as more important and were more positively perceived in general. Distant political events, like French or American Revolution, were considered to be more positive than XX century similar events, which supports the long-term positive evaluation bias hypothesis. The hypothesis on recency bias was partially substantiated. Confirming the existence of such bias, World War II was rated as more important than the previous XX century wars and revolutions. Socio-centric bias also received partial support. African participants rated Mandela as a more important leader than other participants did. Latin Americans rated Che Guevara less positively, which suggests that some leaders are generally idealized icons, not based on group belongingness. However, results did not bring support to the centrality of war hypothesis. Wars were indeed negatively evaluated and World War II was rated as an important and negative event. Nevertheless, war- and politics-related events were not perceived as more important than the Industrial Revolution, suggesting that people appraise the importance of long-term socioeconomic factors of history when responding to close-ended quantitative measures (vs. open-ended salience measures). Results are discussed in the framework of social representations of history.     

Race,Gender, and Attitudes Toward War in Chicago: An Intersectional Analysis1

Although prior research has documented persistent racial and gender differences in public opinion on war across U.S. military conflicts, there is little understanding as to how race and gender simultaneously shape war opinion. Using data from the 2008 Chicago Area Study, this analysis locates gender within an intersectional examination of black‐white differences in support for the U.S. war in Iraq. “Structural” and “racialized” explanations for blacks’ lower level of support relative to whites are tested, first using all respondents, and then for men and women. Exploratory analyses show the race gap in war support to exist solely among Chicago women. Racial differences in partisanship and education are most strongly associated with black‐white differences in Iraq War support among Chicago women. In addition, while affiliation with the Republican Party increases the odds of support among both men and women, education and political alienation decrease the odds of support only among women and the odds of support increase with age only among men. Results highlight the utility of an intersectional lens to the study of public opinion on foreign policy.     

Have wars and violence declined?

For over 150 years liberal optimism has dominated theories of war and violence. It has been repeatedly argued that war and violence either are declining or will shortly decline. There have been exceptions, especially in Germany and more generally in the first half of the twentieth century, but there has been a recent revival of such optimism, especially in the work of Azar Gat, John Mueller, Joshua Goldstein, and Steven Pinker who all perceive a long-term decline in war and violence through history, speeding up in the post-1945 period. Critiquing Pinker’s statistics on war fatalities, I show that the overall pattern is not a decline in war, but substantial variation between periods and places. War has not declined and current trends are slightly in the opposite direction. The conventional view is that civil wars in the global South have largely replaced inter-state wars in the North, but this is misleading since there is major involvement in most civil wars by outside powers, including those of the North. There is more support for their view that homicide has declined in the long-term, at least in the North of the world (with the United States lagging somewhat). This is reinforced by technological improvements in long-distance weaponry and the two transformations have shifted war, especially in the North, from being “ferocious” to “callous” in character. This renders war less visible and less central to Northern culture, which has the deceptive appearance of being rather pacific. Viewed from the South the view has been bleaker both in the colonial period and today. Globally war and violence are not declining, but they are being transformed.     

Coverage of Veterans of the Wars in Iraq and Afghanistan in the U.S. Media

To evaluate how the media frames veterans of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, this study systematically assesses the discourse on Iraq and Afghanistan veterans in the New York Times and Washington Post from 2003 to 2011. Our analysis of a stratified sample of 151 articles featuring veterans from either the wars in Iraq or Afghanistan finds that the media frames veterans as damaged by their service but deserving of government benefits and social assistance. When the media frames veterans as actively engaging in society, their social engagement is often because of or despite their injuries or mistreatment. We find interplay between victimization and deservingness such that depictions of the cohort as physically and mentally damaged complement and justify arguments for a sustained high level of benefits to accommodate the needs of veterans. We thus argue that generous benefits for veterans partly stem from their depiction as having suffered from their service.     

Synmemory: civil war victimhood and the balance of tales in Adichie’s Half of a Yellow Sun and Habila’s Measuring Time

This paper proposes the concept of synmemory as a response to the implication of what Edward Said describes as “theoretical closure” for mainstream memory studies that privilege victimhood exclusively from the perspective of the vanquished. Synmemory is defined here as the synthesisation of antagonistic memories to form a traumatic whole. The paper argues that because victory, especially in war and other violent conflicts, is not absolute, synmemory invites us to consider in comparative terms the fusion of victimhood from both ends of a hostile divide in order to affirm the inherence of victimhood in instances of victory. The paper reads Adichie’s Half of a Yellow Sun (2006) and Habila’s Measuring Time (2007) as a set of twin narratives against the recollection of victimhood in the Nigerian Civil War. It contends that, rather than seeing such comparison as insurrectionary about the reception of Igbo and Biafra suffering in the war, the approach facilitates an understanding of Habila’s tragic vision about the parallel suffering and loss in Northern Nigeria. The paper also shows how constant violent irruptions in Northern Nigeria continue to underscore the region’s continual victimhood in the wake of the war and illustrate how aggressor victimhood can linger longer than is ordinarily envisaged.     

What Kind of War? “Mommy Wars” Discourse in U.S. and Canadian News, 1989–2013

The “Mommy Wars” is a cultural frame asserting the existence of a battle between employed mothers and homemakers. We perform critical discourse analysis of U.S. and Canadian news articles using this term from 1989 through 2013 (N = 402). Building upon the concept of symbolic annihilation, we highlight how the frame distorts and trivializes mothers' experiences. First, ironically, although some authors describe the Mommy Wars as not real, usage grows rapidly over time. Moreover, the meaning expands to include “alternative wars” on a multitude of childrearing differences and on disputes outside of mothering altogether (e.g., type of water used); this serves to equate trivialities like tap versus filtered water with work‐family conditions, effectively rendering them equally inconsequential battles among “mommies.” Finally, the frame trivializes social problems through a focus on (middle‐class) mothers' individual choices as a solution to Mommy Wars. Privileging maternal “choice” with only passing mentions of fathers and the state absolves these groups of responsibilities for the next generation. The use of Mommy Wars rhetoric acts as a divisive, symbolic wedge, ultimately perpetuating a war against mothers.     

Twentieth Century Wars: Some Short-Term Effects on Intergroup Relations in the United States*

There is a close correspondence between war and collective racial violence in the twentieth century United States. War stimulates minority group migration and often heightens the assertiveness of minorities. Both of these conditions may act to precipitate ethnic violence, though the form of that violence varies depending on social conditions. In popular wars following periods of economic scarcity and competition (e.g., World Wars I and II), minority population growth and heightened minority assertiveness may lead majority groups to feel threatened and act aggressively to protect their advantages. The result is often ethnic attack by the dominant group against minorities. Popular wars may also precipitate violence by creating a desire on the homefront for vicarious participation in overseas wars. The results of minority population growth and heightened assertiveness may be different in an unpopular war following a period of economic growth, especially if social upheaval is already occurring before the war (e.g., Vietnam). Under these conditions, minority population growth and minority assertiveness more often lead to minority group rebellions, and there may be little attempt at repression by dominant group civilians. Ethnic attack or collective repressive actions against minorities associated with “the enemy” are also common, especially in popular wars, but they are more likely to be directed at minorities who are already targets of prejudice and discrimination.