Integration of Thought and Action: Arm Weights Facilitate Search Accuracy in 24‐Month‐Old Children

Search errors are common in cognitive tasks with infants and toddlers, and these errors reveal important insights to the development of competence and performance. Rivière and Lécuyer (2008, Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 100, 1) demonstrated that 29‐month‐olds typically make an error during a search task involving invisible displacement. However, performance improves significantly when children wear weighted wrist bands while doing the task. To investigate this phenomenon further, we tested 24‐month‐old children in an identical search task (N = 35). Half the children wore weighted wrist bands, and the rest were in a no‐weight condition. To test how far this phenomenon generalizes, we also tested the same children in a second search task where they needed to find a ball that had rolled behind one of four doors. The results showed that children in the no‐weight condition replicated previous findings of poor performance on both search tasks. Unlike 29‐month‐olds, the 24‐month‐olds in the weighted condition did not immediately show improvement on the search tasks. However, after an initial search attempt, children wearing weights performed significantly better than chance. The findings shed new light on the interplay between thought and action.     

Six‐Month‐Olds Comprehend Words That Refer to Parts of the Body

Comprehending spoken words requires a lexicon of sound patterns and knowledge of their referents in the world. Tincoff and Jusczyk (1999) demonstrated that 6‐month‐olds link the sound patterns “Mommy” and “Daddy” to video images of their parents, but not to other adults. This finding suggests that comprehension emerges at this young age and might take the form of very specific word‐world links, as in “Mommy” referring only to the infant’s mother and “Daddy” referring only to the infant’s father. The current study was designed to investigate if 6‐month‐olds also show evidence of comprehending words that can refer to categories of objects. The results show that 6‐month‐olds link the sound patterns “hand” and “feet” to videos of an adult’s hand and feet. This finding suggests that very early comprehension has a capacity beyond specific, one‐to‐one, associations. Future research will need to consider how developing categorization abilities, social experiences, and parent word use influence the beginnings of word comprehension.     

Not All Gestures are Created Equal: The Effects of Typical and Atypical Iconic Gestures on Narrative Comprehension

Observing hand gestures during learning consistently benefits learners across a variety of tasks. How observation of gestures benefits learning, however, is yet unanswered, and cannot be answered without further understanding which types of gestures aid learning. Specifically, the effects of observing varying types of iconic gestures are yet to be established. Across two studies we examined the role that observing different types of iconic hand gestures has in assisting adult narrative comprehension. Some iconic hand gestures (typical gestures) were produced more frequently than others (atypical gestures). Crucially, observing these different types of gestures during a narrative comprehension task did not provide equal benefit for comprehension. Rather, observing typical gestures significantly enhanced narrative comprehension beyond observing atypical gestures or no gestures. We argue that iconic gestures may be split into separate categories of typical and atypical gestures, which in turn have differential effects on narrative comprehension.     

The Microstructure of Infants' Gaze as They View Adult Shifts in Overt Attention

We presented infants (5, 6, 9, and 12 months old) with movies in which a female model turned toward and fixated 1 of 2 toys placed on a table. Infants' gaze was measured using a Tobii 1750 eye tracker. Six‐, 9‐, and 12‐month‐olds' first gaze shift from the model's face (after the model started turning) was directed to the attended toy. The 5‐month‐olds performed at random. Following this initial response, 5‐, 6‐, and 9‐month‐olds performed more gaze shifts to the attended target; 12‐month‐olds performed at random. Infants at all ages displayed longer looking times to the attended toy. We discuss a number of explanations for 5‐month‐olds' ability to follow a shift in overt attention by an adult after an initially random response, including the possibility that infants' initial gaze response strengthens the representation of the objects in the peripheral visual field.     

The Effects of Distraction on Cognitive Task Performance During Toddlerhood

We investigated the effects of distraction on attention and task performance during toddlerhood. Thirty toddlers (24‐ to 26‐month‐olds) completed different tasks (2 of each: categorization, problem solving, memory, free play) in one of two conditions: No Distraction or Distraction. The results revealed that the distractor had varying effects on performance scores depending on the task: The problem solving and memory tasks were more susceptible to distraction. In addition, the two conditions showed different patterns of attention over time. Toddlers in the No Distraction condition were more attentive, and their attention remained consistently high across the session. Toddlers in the Distraction condition increased their attention to the task and decreased their attention to the distractor in the second half of the session. This study demonstrates how the presence of distraction influences toddlers’ performance on individual cognitive tasks and contributes to our understanding of distractibility and endogenous attention during toddlerhood. This work also has implications for how environmental noise, such as background television, may influence cognitive development.     

Six‐ and 9‐Month‐Old Infants Discriminate Between Goals Despite Similar Action Patterns

Behne, Carpenter, Call, and Tomasello (2005) showed that 9‐ to 18‐month‐olds, but not 6‐month‐olds, differentiated between people who were unwilling and unable to share toys. As the outcome of the two tasks is the same (i.e., the toy is not shared), the infants must respond to the different goals of the actor. However, visual habituation paradigms have shown an earlier onset of goal awareness. The present study reconciles this disparity by replicating the findings of Behne et al. with both 6‐ and 9‐month‐olds, using similar tasks and additional response measures.     

Eighteen‐Month‐Olds,but not 14‐Month‐Olds,Use Social Context to Bind Action Sequences

We demonstrate that 18‐month‐olds, but not 14‐month‐olds, can anticipate others' actions based on an interpretation of shared goals that bind together individual actions into a collaborative sequence. After viewing a sequence of actions performed by two people who socially interact, 18‐month‐olds bound together the socially engaged actors' actions such that they later expected the actors to share the same final goal. Eighteen‐month‐olds who saw nonsocially engaged actors did not have this expectation and neither did 14‐month‐olds when viewing either socially or nonsocially engaged actors. The results are discussed in light of the possibility that experience in collaborations could be necessary for understanding collaboration from a third‐person perspective.     

Memory for One‐Time Experiences in the Second Year of Life: Implications for the Status of Episodic Memory

Memory based on a one‐time experience is an important element of its definition as “episodic.” Infants' memories for one‐time experiences over long delays are largely unexplored. Using elicited imitation, we tested 20‐ and 16‐month‐olds' (Experiment 1) and 13‐month‐olds' (Experiment 2) memories as a function of number of experiences and delay. Over 1 month, 20‐ and 16‐month‐olds remembered individual actions of one‐time events; 20‐month‐olds also remembered temporal order; with verbal reminders, 16‐month‐olds did as well. Over 3 months, recall depended on multiple experiences. Thirteen‐month‐olds' required multiple experiences, even over 1 month. The findings speak to the gradual emergence of an important element of episodic memory, namely the ability to preserve memories of one‐time experiences over long periods of time.     

Functional Parallelism of Detailed and Rough Speech Processing at the End of Infancy

Although realization of the same speech sound is far from being consistent across different contexts, speech recognition has to rely on phonetic detail in order to detect words. So far, it appeared that young infants cannot avoid noticing subtle speech sound variation whenever it occurs. Only later on, they are able to tolerate speech sound variation in some word recognition tasks. Here, we test whether this ability is associated with the time infants start storing their first word forms. We recorded event‐related potentials (ERPs) in a priming paradigm. German words (targets) followed syllables (primes) with a different amount of phoneme overlap. We tested infants at three, six, and nine months after birth. ERPs reflected sensitivity to prime‐target variation in a single phoneme in three‐month‐olds, tolerance to this in six‐month‐olds, and both processing aspects in nine‐month‐olds. Our findings reveal individual developmental priorities for different aspects of speech processing, with very detailed speech processing dominating at around 3 months, rough processing dominating at around half a year after birth, and an architecture of parallel rough and detailed processing at around 9 months. Functional parallelism at the end of infancy might explain the heterogeneous pattern of results regarding the degree of acoustic detail that toddlers appear to consider at different ages and across different paradigms.     

Age‐Specific Preferences for Infant‐Directed Affective Intent

This study examined the developmental course of infants' attentional preferences for 3 types of infant‐directed affective intent, which have been shown to be commonly used at particular ages in the first year of life. Specifically, Kitamura and Burnham (2003) found mothers' tone of voice in infant‐directed speech is most comforting between birth and 3 months, most approving at 6 months, and most directive at 9 months. Thus, the aim of this study was to assess whether there is a relation between the type of affective intent used by mothers at each age point, and infants' affective intent preferences. Each infant group, 3‐, 6‐, and 9‐month‐olds, was played the 3 types of affective intent alternating across a single test session. When analyzed across age, the interactions revealed the predicted developmental trajectory; that is, infant preferences transformed between 3 and 6 months from comforting to approving, and between 6 and 9 months, from approving to directive. However, when analyzed separately by age, it was shown that 3‐month‐olds preferred comforting to other types; 6‐month‐olds preferred approving to directive, but listened equally to approving and comforting; and 9‐month‐olds showed no preference for any type of affective intent. Because it was possible that 9‐month‐olds were more focused on phonetic and phonotactic information, a new group of 9‐month‐olds was tested with intonation‐only versions of the 3 affective intent types. Under these conditions, they were found to prefer directive to comforting, but not directive to approving types. The results of this study have implications for what infants pay attention to in their social and linguistic environment over the course of the first year.     

Better Processing of Consonantal Over Vocalic Information in Word Learning at 16 Months of Age

Previous research using the name‐based categorization task has shown that 20‐month‐old infants can simultaneously learn 2 words that only differ by 1 consonantal feature but fail to do so when the words only differ by 1 vocalic feature. This asymmetry was taken as evidence for the proposal that consonants are more important than vowels at the lexical level. This study explores this consonant‐vowel asymmetry in 16‐month‐old infants, using an interactive word learning task. It shows that the pattern of the 16‐month‐olds is the same as that of the 20‐month‐olds. Infants succeeded with 1‐feature consonantal contrasts (either place or voicing) but were at chance level with 1‐feature vocalic contrasts (either place or height). These results thus contribute to a growing body of evidence establishing, from early infancy to adulthood, that consonants and vowels have different roles in lexical acquisition and processing.     

Attention during Visual Preference Tasks: Relation to Caregiving and Face Recognition

This research examined how caregiver experience (female primary caregiver or distributed caregiving with mom and dad) influenced 10‐, 14‐, and 16‐month‐olds’ visual preferences and attention toward internal facial features of female–male face pairs, and how these behaviors related to novelty preferences in a face recognition task and speed and accuracy on a visual search task. In the visual preference task, infants visually preferred male faces, regardless of caregiver experience. Despite similarities in visual preferences, infants’ attention toward females and males’ internal facial features was related for infants with distributed caregiving only. Infants’ performance across face processing tasks most often correlated for those with female primary caregivers. Results further our understanding of how infants with female primary caregivers display specialized processing of female faces, and how infants with distributed caregiving show similarities in their attention to female and male facial features.     

Perceptual Organization Based on Common Region in Infancy

We examined whether infants organize information according to the newly proposed principle of common region, which states that elements within a region are grouped together and separated from those of other regions. In Experiment 1, 6‐ to 7‐month‐olds exhibited sensitivity to regions by discriminating between the displacement of an element within a region versus across regions. In Experiments 2 (6‐ to 7‐month‐olds) and 3 (3‐ to 4‐month‐olds), infants who were habituated to 2 elements in each of 2 regions subsequently discriminated between a familiar and novel grouping in familiar and novel regions. Thus, infants as young as 3 to 4 months of age are not only sensitive to regions in visual images, but also use these regions to group elements in accord with the principle of common region. Because common region analysis is critical to such basic visual functions as figure‐ground and object segregation, these results suggest that the organizational mechanism that underlies many vital visual functions is already operational by 3 to 4 months of age.     

A Comparison of Visual Familiarization and Object‐Examining Measures of Categorization in 9‐Month‐Old Infants

Three studies were conducted to determine whether differential patterns of categorization observed in studies using visual familiarization and object‐examining measures hold up as procedural confounds are eliminated. In Experiment 1, we attempted as direct a comparison as possible between visual and object‐examining measures of categorization. Consistent with previous reports, 9‐month‐old infants distinguished a basic‐level contrast (dog–horse) in the visual task, but not in the examining task. Experiment 2 was designed to reduce levels of nonexploratory activity in an examining task; 9‐month‐olds again failed to distinguish categories of dogs and horses. In Experiment 3, we adopted a paired‐comparison test format in the object‐examining task. Infants did display a novel category preference under paired testing conditions. The results suggest that the different patterns of categorization often seen in looking and touching tasks are a reflection, not of different categorization processes, but of the differential sensitivity of the tasks.     

Infants Discriminate the Affective Expressions of their Peers: The Roles of Age and Familiarization Time

Research examining infants’ discrimination of affect often uses unfamiliar faces and voices of adults. Recently, research has examined infant discrimination of affect in familiar faces and voices. In much of this research, infants were habituated to the affective expressions using a “standard” 50% habituation criterion. We extend this line of research by examining infants’ discrimination of unfamiliar peers’, that is, 4‐month‐olds, dynamic, facial, and vocal affective expressions and assessing how discrimination is affected by changing the habituation criterion. In two experiments, using an infant‐controlled habituation design, we explored 3‐ and 5‐month‐olds’ discrimination of their peers’ dynamic audiovisual displays of positive and negative expressions of affect. Results of Experiment 1, using a 50% habituation criterion, revealed that 5‐month‐olds, but not 3‐month‐olds discriminated the affective expressions of their peers. In Experiment 2, we examined whether 3‐month‐olds’ lack of discrimination in Experiment 1 was a result of insufficient habituation (i.e., familiarization). Specifically, 3‐month‐olds were habituated using a 70% habituation criterion, providing them with longer familiarization time. Results revealed that using the more stringent habituation criterion, 3‐month‐olds showed longer habituation times, that is increased familiarization, and discriminated their peers’ affective expressions. Results are discussed in terms of infants’ discrimination of affect, the role of familiarization time, and limitations of the 50% habituation criterion.     

Intersensory Redundancy and 7‐Month‐Old Infants' Memory for Arbitrary Syllable‐Object Relations

Seven‐month‐old infants require redundant information, such as temporal synchrony, to learn arbitrary syllable‐object relations (Gogate & Bahrick, 1998). Infants learned the relations between 2 spoken syllables, /a/ and /i/, and 2 moving objects only when temporal synchrony was present during habituation. This article presents 2 experiments to address infants' memory for these relations. In Experiment 1, infants remembered the syllable‐object relations after 10 min, only when temporal synchrony between the vocalizations and moving objects was provided during learning. In Experiment 2, 7‐month‐olds were habituated to the same syllable‐object pairs in the presence of temporal synchrony and tested for memory after 4 days. Once again, infants learned and showed emerging memory for the syllable‐object relations 4 days after original learning under the temporally synchronous condition. These findings are consistent with the view that prior to symbolic development, infants learn and remember word‐object relations by perceiving redundant information in the vocal and gestural communication of adults.     

Differences in How 12‐ and 24‐Month‐Olds Interpret the Gaze of Adults

This study examined the hypothesis that toddlers interpret an adult's head turn as evidence that the adult was looking at something, whereas younger infants interpret gaze based on an expectancy that an interesting object will be present on the side to which the adult has turned. Infants of 12 months and toddlers of 24 months were first shown that an adult head turn to the side predicted the activation of a remote‐controlled toy on that side of the room. After this connection had been demonstrated, participants were assigned to 2 conditions. In the head turn condition the toys were removed but the adult continued to produce head turns to the side. In the toy condition the adult stopped turning but the toys continued to be activated when the participant turned toward them. Results showed that, compared to 12‐month‐olds, 24‐month‐olds were more likely to continue to turn to the side when the adult continued to turn even though there was no longer anything of interest to see. In contrast, compared to 24‐month‐olds, 12‐month‐olds were, if anything, more likely to continue to turn to the side in the condition in which the adult stopped turning. The latter result was replicated in a condition in which the activation of the toy was not contingent on the child's own head turn. These results imply that the meaning of gaze following may change significantly over the 2nd year of life. For 12‐month‐olds, gaze is a useful predictor of where interesting sights may occur. In contrast, for 24‐month‐olds, gaze may be a signal that the adult is looking at something.     

Nineteen‐Month‐Olds' Understanding of the Conventionality of Object Labels Versus Desires

We assessed 19‐month‐olds' appreciation of the conventional nature of object labels versus desires. Infants played a finding game with an experimenter who stated her intention to find the referent of a novel word (word group), to find an object she wanted (desire group), or simply to look in a box (control group). A 2nd experimenter then administered a comprehension task to assess infants' tendency to extend information to a 2nd person who was not present at the time of learning. Results indicate that infants chose the target object when the 2nd experimenter asked for the referent of the novel label but not when she requested the referent of her desire. These findings demonstrate that 19‐month‐olds understand that words are conventional, but desires are not.     

Relating 7‐Month‐Olds Visuo‐Spatial Working Memory to Other Basic Mental Skills Assessed With Two Different Versions of the Habituation–Dishabituation Paradigm

This study examines the relationship between various basic mental processing abilities in infancy. Two groups of 7‐month‐olds received the same delayed‐response task to assess visuo‐spatial working memory, but two different habituation–dishabituation tasks to assess processing speed and recognition memory. The single‐stimulus group (N = 32) was familiarized with only one abstract stimulus, whereas the categorization group (N = 32) received varying exemplars of the same kind. In the categorization group, infants high on working memory showed stronger habituation and dishabituation responses than infants scoring low in working memory. No corresponding relations were found for the single‐stimulus group. This suggests that working memory performance is systematically linked to other basic mental skills in 7‐month‐olds, but that corresponding relations may not get evident in any kind of habituation–dishabituation procedure. Implications for understanding the complex interplay of basic mental abilities in infancy will be discussed.     

Young Infants' Performance in the Object‐Variation Version of the Above‐Below Categorization Task: A Result of Perceptual Distraction or Conceptual Limitation?

Five experiments were conducted to examine the performance of young infants on above versus below categorization tasks. Experiments 1 and 2 showed that infants did not form abstract categorical representations for above and below when familiarized with different objects depicted in a constant spatial relation relative to a horizontal bar and tested on a novel object depicted in the familiar and novel spatial relation. Experiments 3 through 5 examined perceptual‐attentional distraction versus conceptually based generalization explanations for young infant performance in the object‐variation version of the above‐below categorization task. Experiments 3 and 4 demonstrated that infants still did not form abstract categorical representations for above and below when object variation was removed from the familiarization trials or when object novelty was reduced during the preference test trials. However, Experiment 5 showed that 3‐ and 4‐month‐olds succeeded on the above versus below categorization task when familiarized with object variation and preference tested with a familiar versus novel object‐bar relation. These results indicate that young infants can form categorical representations for above and below in the object‐variation version of the above‐below categorization task, but that such representations are specific to the particular objects presented. Young infant performance in the object‐variation version of the above‐below categorization task thus reflects a conceptually based generalization limit rather than a problem of perceptual‐attentional distraction.