Word Level Stress and Lexical Processing in 17‐Month‐Old Infants

Detailed representations enable infants to distinguish words from one another and more easily recognize new words. We examined whether 17‐month‐old infants encode word stress in their familiar word representations. In Experiment 1, infants were presented with pairs of familiar objects while hearing a target label either properly pronounced with the correct stress (e.g., baby /’be?bi/) or mis‐pronounced with the incorrect stress pattern (e.g., baby /be?’bi/). Infants mapped both the correctly stressed and mis‐stressed labels to the target objects; however, they were slower to fixate the target when hearing the mis‐stressed label. In Experiment 2, we examined whether infants appreciate that stress has a nonproductive role in English (i.e., altering the stress of a word does not typically signal a change in word meaning) by presenting infants with a familiar object paired with a novel object while hearing either correctly stressed or mis‐stressed familiar words (Experiment 2). Here, infants mapped the correctly stressed label to the familiar object but did not map the mis‐stressed label reliably to either the target or distractor objects. These findings suggest that word stress impacts the processing of familiar words, and infants have burgeoning knowledge that altering the stress pattern of a familiar word does not reliably signal a new referent.     

Changes in the Ability to Detect Ordinal Numerical Relationships Between 9 and 11 Months of Age

When are the precursors of ordinal numerical knowledge first evident in infancy? Brannon (2002) argued that by 11 months of age, infants possess the ability to appreciate the greater than and less than relations between numerical values but that this ability experiences a sudden onset between 9 and 11 months of age. Here we present 5 experiments that explore the changes that take place between 9 and 11 months of age in infants' ability to detect reversals in the ordinal direction of a sequence of arrays. In Experiment 1, we replicate the finding that 11‐ but not 9‐month‐old infants detect a numerical ordinal reversal. In Experiment 2 we rule out an alternative hypothesis that 11‐month‐old infants attended to changes in the absolute numerosity of the first stimulus in the sequence rather than a reversal in ordinal direction. In Experiment 3, we demonstrate that 9‐month‐old infants are not aided by additional exposure to each numerosity stimulus in a sequence. In Experiment 4 we find that 11‐month‐old but not 9‐month‐old infants succeed at detecting the reversal in a nonnumerical size or area‐based rule, casting doubt on Brannon's prior claim that what develops between 9 and 11 months of age is a specifically numerical ability. In Experiment 5 we demonstrate that 9‐month‐old infants are capable of detecting a reversal in ordinal direction but only when there are multiple converging cues to ordinality. Collectively these data indicate that at 11 months of age infants can represent ordinal relations that are based on number, size, or cumulative area, whereas at 9 months of age infants are unable to use any of these dimensions in isolation but instead require a confluence of cues.     

Body Representation in the First Year of Life

Like faces, bodies are significant sources of social information. However, research suggests that infants do not develop body representation (i.e., knowledge about typical human bodies) until the second year of life, although they are sensitive to facial information much earlier. Yet, previous research only examined whether infants are sensitive to the typical arrangement of body parts. We examined whether younger infants have body knowledge of a different kind, namely the relative size of body parts. Five‐ and 9‐month‐old infants were tested for their preference between a normal versus a proportionally distorted body. Nine‐month‐olds exhibited a preference for the normal body when images were presented upright but not when they were inverted. Five‐month‐olds failed to exhibit a preference in either condition. These results indicate that infants have knowledge about human bodies by the second half of the first year of life. Moreover, given that better performance on upright than on inverted stimuli has been tied to expertise, the fact that older infants exhibited an inversion effect with body images indicates that at least some level of expertise in body processing develops by 9 months of age.     

Language Experience Shapes the Development of the Mutual Exclusivity Bias

Halberda (2003) demonstrated that 17‐month‐old infants, but not 14‐ or 16‐month‐olds, use a strategy known as mutual exclusivity (ME) to identify the meanings of new words. When 17‐month‐olds were presented with a novel word in an intermodal preferential looking task, they preferentially fixated a novel object over an object for which they already had a name. We explored whether the development of this word‐learning strategy is driven by children’s experience of hearing only one name for each referent in their environment by comparing the behavior of infants from monolingual and bilingual homes. Monolingual infants aged 17–22 months showed clear evidence of using an ME strategy, in that they preferentially fixated the novel object when they were asked to “look at the dax.” Bilingual infants of the same age and vocabulary size failed to show a similar pattern of behavior. We suggest that children who are raised with more than one language fail to develop an ME strategy in parallel with monolingual infants because development of the bias is a consequence of the monolingual child’s everyday experiences with words.     

Visual short‐term memory for overtly attended objects during infancy

We investigated limitations in young infants’ visual short‐term memory (VSTM). We used a one‐shot change detection task to ask whether 4‐ and 8.5‐month‐old infants (N = 59) automatically encode fixated items in VSTM. Our task included trials that consisted of the following sequence: first a brief (500 ms) presentation with a sample array of two items, next a brief (300 ms) delay period with a blank screen, and finally a test array (2,000 ms) identical to the sample array except that the color of one of the two items is changed. In Experiment 1, we induced infants to fixate one item by rotating it during the sample (the other item remained stationary). In Experiment 2, none of the items rotated. In both experiments, 4‐month‐old infants looked equally at the fixated item when it did and did not change color, providing no evidence that they encoded in VSTM the fixated item. In contrast, 8.5‐month‐old infants in Experiment 1 preferred the fixated item when it changed color from sample to test. Thus, 4‐month‐old infants do not appear to automatically encode fixated items in VSTM.     

Auditory–Visual Context and Memory Retrieval in 3‐Month‐Old Infants

In 3 experiments, 3‐month‐old infants were trained to move an overhead mobile by kicking 1 of their feet in the presence of a distinctive visual (crib bumpers) and auditory (music) context. In Experiment 1A, 5‐day but not 1‐day retention was disrupted if either or both elements of the context present during the retention test were novel. In Experiment 1B, 5‐day retention was observed when only a single component of the training context, visual or auditory, was present. In Experiment 2, the retention test occurred at 14 days but it was preceded 24 hr earlier by a brief reactivation treatment. When the reactivation treatment consisted of reexposing the infant to the training crib bumpers and music, or just to the training music, it was not successful. Reactivation was successful when the reactivation treatment consisted of only the training crib bumpers. These results indicate that, in this paradigm, 3‐month‐old infants do not encode the elements of the context holistically and that, following forgetting, the visual contextual cues become dominant over the auditory contextual cues in facilitating retrieval.     

Electrophysiological Signals of Familiarity and Recency in the Infant Brain

Electrophysiological work in nonhuman primates has established the existence of multiple types of signals in the temporal lobe that contribute to recognition memory, including information regarding a stimulus’s relative novelty, familiarity, and recency of occurrence. We used high‐density event‐related potentials (ERPs) to examine whether young infants represent these distinct types of information about previously experienced items. Twenty‐four different highly familiar and initially novel items were each repeated exactly once either immediately ( Experiment 1 ), or following one intervening item ( Experiment 2 ). A late slow wave (LSW) component of the ERP exhibited neural responses consistent with recency signals over right‐central leads, but only when there were no intervening stimuli between repetitions. The LSW also exhibited responses consistent with familiarity signals over anterior‐temporal leads, but only when there were intervening stimuli between repetitions. A mid‐latency negative component (i.e., the Nc) also distinguished familiar from novel items, but did not exhibit a pattern of responding consistent with familiarity signals. These findings suggest that infants encode information about a variety of objects from their natural environments into long‐term memory, and can discriminate between familiar and unfamiliar items, and between recently seen and new items, very quickly (within 1 sec). They also suggest that infants represent information about not only whether a stimulus is familiar or unfamiliar but also whether it has been seen recently.     

Effects of Exogenous and Endogenous Distracters on Immediate and Long‐Term Recall in Toddlers

We explored the role that exogenous and endogenous competitors for attention play in infants’ abilities to encode and retain information over a 6‐month period. Sixty‐six children visited the laboratory at 15 months, and 32 returned for a second visit at 21 months. Children observed models of conventional‐ relation and enabling‐relation action sequences. Half the children were distracted by a “Mister Monkey” mechanical toy during the conventional‐relation sequence, while the other half was distracted during the enabling‐relation sequence. The Early Childhood Behavior Questionnaire indexed endogenous factors at both ages. Immediate postmodel production of target actions indexed encoding efficiency, and 6‐month production of target actions indexed long‐term recall. The exogenous distracter impacted encoding efficiency (i.e., immediate recall), but not long‐term recall. Endogenous factors (i.e., temperament) were primarily associated with long‐term recall. Of special interest was our finding that endogenous factors, especially surgency, moderated the effect of the exogenous distracter. It appears that when learning conventional‐relation sequences in the presence of exogenous distracters, surgency mobilizes attentional resources toward the learning objective; however, when learning enabling‐relation sequences under the same conditions, surgency either boosts the saliency of the distracters or boosts children’s susceptibility to them.     

Do 8‐Month‐Old Infants Consider Situational Constraints When Interpreting Others’ Gaze as Goal‐Directed Action?

Some actions of agents are ambiguous in terms of goal‐directedness to young infants. If given reasons why an agent performed these ambiguous actions, would infants then be able to perceive the actions as goal‐directed? Prior results show that infants younger than 12 months can not encode the relationship between a human agent’s looking behavior and the target of her gaze as goal‐directed. In the present experiments, 8‐month‐olds responded in ways suggesting that they interpreted an agent’s action of looking at object‐A as opposed to object‐B as evidence for her goal directed toward object‐A, if her looking action was rational given certain situational constraints: a barrier separated her from the objects or her hands were occupied. Therefore, the infants seem to consider situational constraints when attributing goals to agents’ otherwise ambiguous actions; they seem to realize that within such constraints, these actions are efficient ways for agents to achieve goals.     

Infants' Individuation of Rigid and Plastic Objects Based on Shape

Recent research suggests that 12‐month‐old infants use shape to individuate the number of objects present in a scene. This study addressed the question of whether infants would also rely on shape when shape is only a temporary attribute of an object. Specifically, we investigated whether infants realize that shape changes reliably indicate identity changes only in the case of rigid objects, but not in the case of deformable plastic objects. Twelve‐month‐old infants observed how either a rigid or a plastic object was placed in a box. When searching the box, they retrieved either an object with the same (no‐switch event) or with a different shape (switch event). Infants correctly inferred two distinct objects in the switch event in the case of rigid objects, but not in the case of plastic objects. A control experiment confirmed that this result was not due to a lack of salience of the shape transformation. Thus, infants' re‐searching behavior indicated that they viewed shape as being diagnostic in the individuation process of rigid objects only.     

Follow My Gaze: Face Race and Sex Influence Gaze‐Cued Attention in Infancy

Using the eye gaze of others to direct one's own attention develops during the first year of life and is thought to be an important skill for learning and social communication. However, it is currently unclear whether infants differentially attend to and encode objects cued by the eye gaze of individuals within familiar groups (e.g., own race, more familiar sex) relative to unfamiliar groups (e.g., other race, less familiar sex). During gaze cueing, but prior to the presentation of objects, 10‐month‐olds looked longer to the eyes of own‐race faces relative to 5‐month‐olds and relative to the eyes of other‐race faces. After gaze cueing, two objects were presented alongside the face and at both ages, infants looked longer to the uncued objects for faces from the more familiar‐sex and longer to cued objects for the less familiar‐sex faces. Finally, during the test phase, both 5‐ and 10‐month‐old infants looked longer to uncued objects relative to cued objects but only when the objects were cued by an own‐race and familiar‐sex individual. Results demonstrate that infants use face eye gaze differently when the cue comes from someone within a highly experienced group.     

Overcoming the Effects of Variation in Infant Speech Segmentation: Influences of Word Familiarity

Previous studies have shown that 7.5‐month‐olds can track and encode words in fluent speech, but they fail to equate instances of a word that contrast in talker gender, vocal affect, and fundamental frequency. By 10.5 months, they succeed at generalizing across such variability, marking a clear transition period during which infants' word recognition skills become qualitatively more mature. Here we explore the role of word familiarity in this critical transition and, in particular, whether words that occur frequently in a child's listening environment (i.e., “Mommy” and “Daddy”) are more easily recognized when they differ in surface characteristics than those that infants have not previously encountered (termed nonwords). Results demonstrate that words are segmented from continuous speech in a more linguistically mature fashion than nonwords at 7.5 months, but at 10.5 months, both words and nonwords are segmented in a relatively mature fashion. These findings suggest that early word recognition is facilitated in cases where infants have had significant exposure to items, but at later stages, infants are able to segment items regardless of their presumed familiarity.     

Common Coding of Observation and Execution of Action in 9‐Month‐Old Infants

Do 9‐month‐old infants motorically simulate actions they perceive others perform? Two experiments tested whether action observation, like overt reaching, is sufficient to elicit the Piagetian A‐not‐B error. Infants recovered a toy hidden at location A or observed an experimenter recover the toy. After the toy was hidden at location B, infants in both conditions perseverated in reaching to A, demonstrating that active search by the infant is not necessary for the A‐not‐B error. Consistent with prior research, infants displayed an ipsilateral bias when reaching, the so‐called mysterious midline barrier. A similar ipsilateral bias was also observed depending on the manner in which the experimenter reached; infants perseverated following observation of ipsi‐ but not contralateral reaches by the experimenter. Thus, infants perseverated only following observation of actions they themselves were able to perform, suggesting that they coded others' actions in terms of motor simulation.     

A Cross‐National Investigation of the Relationship Between Infant Walking and Language Development

The acquisition of walking has recently been linked with infant language development (Walle & Campos, 2014). If this relation reflects the consequence of an epigenetic event, then it should be present regardless of when the infant typically begins to walk, the infant's culture, and the infant's native language. This study sought to replicate the previously reported link between walking and language development in American infants and investigate whether this relation exists cross‐nationally in typically developing Chinese infants exposed to Mandarin. Urban Chinese infants not only provide a distinct linguistic and cultural population in which to study this relation but also typically begin walking approximately 6 weeks later than American infants. Our results demonstrated that (1) walking infants in both the American and Chinese samples had greater receptive and productive vocabularies than same‐aged crawling infants, (2) differences between crawling and walking infants were proportionally similar in each sample, and (3) the walking‐language relation was present for both noun and non‐noun vocabularies. These findings provide further support of a relation between infant walking onset and language development, independent of age. Avenues for future research of the processes involved in this relation, as well as additional populations of interest to investigate, are discussed.     

Body Structure Perception in Infancy

Structural cues, such as the relative size and arrangement of parts, are key aspects of adults' representation of human bodies, and they are used to derive significant social information such as age, sex, and attractiveness. Prior studies have not clearly addressed young infants' sensitivity to these body characteristics. In the current experiments, 3.5‐month‐olds exhibited a preference between images of intact bodies versus those with parts in wrong locations. Infants also discriminated between intact bodies and those with distorted part proportions. In both cases, infants discriminated when images were presented upright but not when they were inverted. These results indicate that infants are sensitive to the arrangement and size of human body parts at least by 3.5 months of age. Thus, contrary to some prior reports, body representation early in life is developed enough to include structural information.     

Is it a Container? Young Infants' Understanding of Containment Events

The present research examined how certain features of a box affected 4.5‐month‐old infants' interpretation of containment events the box was involved in. If the box was a regular container, infants did not respond with increased attention when a tall cylinder became fully hidden after being lowered inside the box, consistent with previous research. In contrast, if a three‐sided object (the box without its back) replaced the box, or if shown that the box had a removable back, infants were able to detect the height violations, 3 months earlier than they normally would. These results demonstrate how infants' perception or representation of objects interplays with their interpretation of physical events these objects involve in.     

Infants’ Discrimination of Familiar and Unfamiliar Accents in Speech

This study investigates infants’ discrimination abilities for familiar and unfamiliar regional English accents. Using a variation of the head‐turn preference procedure, 5‐month‐old infants demonstrated that they were able to distinguish between their own South‐West English accent and an unfamiliar Welsh English accent. However, this distinction was not seen when two unfamiliar accents (Welsh English and Scottish English) were presented to the infants, indicating they had not acquired the general ability to distinguish between regional varieties, but only the distinction between their home accent and unfamiliar regional variations. This ability was also confirmed with 7‐month‐olds, challenging recent claims that infants lose their sensitivity to dialects at around that age. Taken together, our results argue in favor of an early sensitivity to the intonation system of languages, and to the early learning of accent‐specific intonation and potentially segmental patterns. Implications for the development of accent normalization abilities are discussed.     

Phonotactic Constraints on Infant Word Learning

How do infants use their knowledge of native language sound patterns when learning words? There is ample evidence of infants’ precocious acquisition of native language sound structure during the first year of life, but much less evidence concerning how they apply this knowledge to the task of associating sounds with meanings in word learning. To address this question, 18‐month‐olds were presented with two phonotactically legal object labels (containing sound sequences that occur frequently in English) or two phonotactically illegal object labels (containing sound sequences that never occur in English), paired with novel objects. Infants were then tested using a looking‐while‐listening measure. The results revealed that infants looked at the correct objects after hearing the legal labels, but not the illegal labels. Furthermore, vocabulary size was related to performance. Infants with larger receptive vocabularies displayed greater differences between learning of legal and illegal labels than infants with smaller vocabularies. These findings provide evidence that infants’ knowledge of native language sound patterns influences their word learning.     

Infants’ Use of Shared Experience in Declarative Pointing

In this study, we asked whether 14‐ and 18‐month‐old infants use the experiences they have previously shared with others when deciding what to point to for them declaratively. After sharing a particular type of referent with an adult in an excited manner, 18‐month‐olds subsequently found a picture of that type of referent more worthy of declarative pointing than some other picture—but only for that adult, not for a different adult. Mixed results were found with 14‐month‐olds. We thus show that by 18 months, infants accurately track their shared experiences with specific individuals and use this to make communicative decisions. These results also demonstrate that infants sometimes use declarative pointing to indicate not totally “new” things, as in the classic formulation, but things which are “old” in the sense that “we” should recognize them as similar to something we have previously shared.     

Young Infants' Performance in the Object‐Variation Version of the Above‐Below Categorization Task: A Result of Perceptual Distraction or Conceptual Limitation?

Five experiments were conducted to examine the performance of young infants on above versus below categorization tasks. Experiments 1 and 2 showed that infants did not form abstract categorical representations for above and below when familiarized with different objects depicted in a constant spatial relation relative to a horizontal bar and tested on a novel object depicted in the familiar and novel spatial relation. Experiments 3 through 5 examined perceptual‐attentional distraction versus conceptually based generalization explanations for young infant performance in the object‐variation version of the above‐below categorization task. Experiments 3 and 4 demonstrated that infants still did not form abstract categorical representations for above and below when object variation was removed from the familiarization trials or when object novelty was reduced during the preference test trials. However, Experiment 5 showed that 3‐ and 4‐month‐olds succeeded on the above versus below categorization task when familiarized with object variation and preference tested with a familiar versus novel object‐bar relation. These results indicate that young infants can form categorical representations for above and below in the object‐variation version of the above‐below categorization task, but that such representations are specific to the particular objects presented. Young infant performance in the object‐variation version of the above‐below categorization task thus reflects a conceptually based generalization limit rather than a problem of perceptual‐attentional distraction.