罗尔斯的自由观:自由与平等结合

罗尔斯从人的能力结构入手考察人的自由及其根据,建构了与平等相结合的自由观,认为社会结构要根据人们的道德能力确定和调整基本自由,并对人们的自然天赋能力的社会分配进行调节。在社会的不同部分,社会调节的原则不同。与平等相结合的自由的原则确定了平等的自由及其优先性,并按照平等的自由的方式规导和影响差别原则。差别原则通过对财富分配不平等的限制,维护政治自由的公平价值,实现自由与平等的适度结合     

Not in My Schoolyard: Localism and Public Opposition to Funding Schools Equally

Objective . Public opinion on education has not been extensively studied, despite the important political dimensions of conflicts over education policies. This article seeks to understand the dynamics of public opposition to equal educational opportunity in the wake of state supreme court decisions mandating school finance reform. Methods . Exploring state level polls from Connecticut and New Jersey, the article analyzes attitudes toward equal educational opportunity through logistic and ordinary-least-squares regression. Results . Situating attitudes toward school funding within the contexts of attitudes toward educational equality, taxes, and school performance, this analysis finds support for both self-interest and symbolic opposition to equalization, but it also finds that localism has a strong and independent effect on respondents' views concerning the desirability of equal funding in schools. Conclusions . Despite respondents' strong support for the principle of funding schools equally, their support is significantly eroded if they perceive that equality threatens or diminishes local control of schools.     

社会主义核心价值之深层结构：平等与自由的辩证平衡

资本主义核心价值的深层结构是自由优先于平等,传统社会主义核心价值的深层结构是平等优先于自由,而中国特色社会主义核心价值的深层结构是平等和自由的辩证平衡。邓小平社会主义本质理论、社会主义市场经济、公平与效率兼顾以及中国60年来的发展经验等等表明了平等和自由辩证平衡价值结构的合理性。平等和自由辩证平衡价值结构能够体现社会主义核心价值的文明主体性、现代性、综合性、创新性和实践性。     

Hateful Sirens. . .Who Hears Their Song? An Examination of Student Attitudes Toward Hate Groups and Affiliation Potential

Sources indicate a rise in hate crimes committed by persons affiliated with hate groups (Bowles, 1993; Levin, 2002). Although the majority of these offenders remain unaffiliated, it is nevertheless important to understand why individuals become attracted to hate groups. This exploratory study examined youth attitudes toward hate groups. Deprivation and interpersonal bonds theories were used to explain hate group attraction among students. Secondary and university students completed the 567 surveys used in the analysis. Results indicated that crime-related measures and exposure to hate groups by word-of-mouth contacts were more often related to supportive attitudes. These effects were further associated with secondary students. Neodeprivation theory is offered for exploring hate group attraction by more educated persons.     

Attitudes Toward Spousal Caregiving in Late Adulthood

Abstract

The study dealt with differences in attitudes toward spousal caregiving among pre-retired (n = 269) versus retired (n = 250) Israelis. Attitudes toward spousal caregiving at times of illness were examined from three perspectives: Commitment to caregiving, perceived harmful effects of caregiving, and delegation of responsibility for caregiving. Compared with the pre-retired group, the retirees revealed higher levels of commitment and showed less of a tendency to delegate responsibility for caregiving. At the same time, they perceived caregiving as having more harmful effects. In addition, different variables were found to explain these attitudes among both groups of participants. Among the pre-retired participants, equality in household tasks contributed most toward explaining commitment to spousal caregiving. Among the retired participants, in contrast, past assistance from the spouse was one of the most significant variables. For both groups of participants, past assistance from the spouse and equality in division of household tasks were the best predictors of perceived harmful effects. With regard to delegating responsibility for caregiving, the most salient variables among both groups of participants were marital tension and equality in division of household tasks. No gender-based differences were found in attitudes toward caregiving.     

The Psychology of Prejudice: Ingroup Love and Outgroup Hate?

Allport (1954) recognized that attachment to one's ingroups does not necessarily require hostility toward outgroups. Yet the prevailing approach to the study of ethnocentrism, ingroup bias, and prejudice presumes that ingroup love and outgroup hate are reciprocally related. Findings from both cross-cultural research and laboratory experiments support the alternative view that ingroup identification is independent of negative attitudes toward outgroups and that much ingroup bias and intergroup discrimination is motivated by preferential treatment of ingroup members rather than direct hostility toward outgroup members. Thus to understand the roots of prejudice and discrimination requires first of all a better understanding of the functions that ingroup formation and identification serve for human beings. This article reviews research and theory on the motivations for maintenance of ingroup boundaries and the implications of ingroup boundary protection for intergroup relations, conflict, and conflict prevention.     

Understanding the Harm of Hate Crime

This article provides an overview of the context and content of this issue devoted to hate crime. Working definitions of hate crime and hate speech are situated within the broader context of intergroup relations, prejudice, aggression, and law and social policy. Theory and research from social psychology, criminology, and legal studies are utilized to describe this context. We present summaries of the multidisciplinary contributions to this issue and note how these articles emphasize the origins of hate crime, the harm that it creates, and victims' and society's response to hate crime. They also highlight tensions between the First and Fourteenth Amendments of the U.S. Constitution. Finally, we note the interrelationships among these contributions and discuss the policy implications that arise from their analyses.     

The people or the place? An analysis of the protective factors of hate crime in multiethnic neighbourhoods in Australia

Hate crime creates significant problems for individual victims and the social fabric of a community more broadly. Victimisation is most likely to occur around the victim's own neighbourhood, yet few studies examine how the neighbourhood context influences hate crime. This study uses data from the Australian Community Capacity Study involving 4,400 participants in 148 neighbourhoods in Brisbane. It examines whether it is characteristics of place (such as attitudes toward diversity, place attachment and social cohesion) that reduce hate crime, or whether it is interactions with fellow residents (such as frequency of neighbourly exchanges, number of friends, and number of acquaintances in the neighbourhood) that shelter residents from hate crime. Results demonstrate that characteristics of a place provide important protective factors against hate crime in the neighbourhood, rather than the number of social‐interactions between residents.     

Subtle, Pervasive, Harmful: Racist and Sexist Remarks in Public as Hate Speech

Using field observations and 100 in-depth interviews with participants recruited from public places in Northern California, this article documents the experience of being the target of hate speech in public places. Focusing on racist and sexist hate speech (as participants define the phenomenon), I show that there is a range of experiences with hate speech and that it is often quite subtle, leaving all but intended victims unaware that it occurs. These data also show that such interactions occur with regularity and leave targets harmed in significant ways. There can be little doubt that members of traditionally disadvantaged groups face a strikingly different reality on the street than do members of privileged groups. Although the legal status of hate speech remains ambiguous, its harms are not.     

Opposition to the Legitimacy of Hate Crime Laws: The Role of Argument Acceptance, Knowledge, Individual Differences, and Peer Influence

Hate crime laws are a highly controversial legal approach in society's response to intergroup violence. Argument acceptance, knowledge, and individual differences were examined in relationship to attitudes about these laws. These variables were also considered in terms of efforts to influence a peer's beliefs about hate crime laws. One-hundred and sixty-seven participants completed a measure of knowledge of human rights laws, Gough's Pr scale, the Selznick and Steinberg anti-Semitism scale, and Cuellar's Machismo scale. Hate crime attitudes were measured on an affect rating scale and six statements reflecting arguments favoring and opposing hate crime laws. Peer influence was examined on Interpersonal Power Inventory (IPI). Results showed that while most participants endorsed positive attitudes about hate crime laws, men—and both women and men who endorsed machismo attitudes—were more likely to agree with media distortion and identity politics arguments opposing hate crime laws. The Pr and machismo scales predicted greater effort on the IPI to influence peer attitudes about hate crime laws, after controlling for demographic differences of the participants. These findings indicate that more explicitly biased individuals were more effortful in trying to change the attitudes of peers concerning the legitimacy of hate crime laws.     

Hate Speech: Asian American Students' Justice Judgments and Psychological Responses

Two experiments using Asian American university student participants examined the distinctive characteristics of responses to racist hate speech relative to responses to other forms of offense. The studies varied the target of insulting speech (Asian, African, and Overweight person) or the nature of offence (petty theft vs. insulting speech). Participant variables included collective self-esteem and social identification. Results indicate that hate speech directed at ethnic targets deserves more severe punishment than other forms of offensive speech and petty theft. Hate speech also results in more extreme emotional responses and, in the case of an Asian target, has a depressing influence on collective self-esteem. Ethnic identification moderated punishment responses in study 1 only. The theoretical and practical implications of the results are discussed.     

Freedom of Choice through the Promotion of Gender Equality

This article argues that policies that promote gender equality actually also increase freedom of choice. Thus, despite the neo-liberal criticism that welfare policies limit choices and privatization and market solutions increase freedom of choice, this article concludes that market-liberal welfare regimes offer less choice than the Nordic type of social-democratic welfare regimes, which have openly striven to promote gender equality. They do so by making it easier for mothers to choose to work (by making day care available and making it easier for fathers to stay at home with children) and by giving fathers the ability to choose to spend more time with children. However, within the realm of such policies, it is still possible to offer more or less freedom of choice, for example, by making parental leaves either extremely flexible or rigid in how they are utilized. Interestingly, it turns out that, in the real world, policies that promote gender equality even offer greater freedom of choice for the group of women considered to be 'family oriented' as well as for lesbian and homosexual couples.     

Exploring the Gender Gap in Support for a Woman for President

The gender gap in support for a female presidential candidate gathered much media attention with Hillary Clinton as a frontrunner for the 2008 democratic presidential nomination. Two common explanations for this gap are that women have more liberal gender role and political attitudes. We contend that another important, and distinct, factor for heightened support among women is a shared social identity. We tested these three explanations across two studies. In Study 1, hierarchical regression analyses revealed that both attitudes toward women and sex independently predict a significant proportion of the variance in willingness to elect a woman for president. In Study 2, hierarchical regression analyses showed that when entered together, attitudes toward female authority and sex independently predict support, but when political attitudes was entered, only sex and political attitudes predicted support for Clinton. Finally, as expected, when primed with their gender identity, women increased their support for Clinton and men decreased their support, and women perceived her more favorably and men less so. In sum, these studies strongly support the arguments that the gender gap in support for female presidential candidates stems in part from women's more liberal gender role and political attitudes, and also from women sharing the same gender social identity as a female candidate for commander in chief .     

Experiencing Hate Speech: Perceptions and Responses to Anti-Semitism and Antigay Speech

This study examines how people experience hate speech. Specifically, it assesses people's perceptions regarding both the antecedents and outcomes of such expression targeted at Jews and homosexuals. One hundred twenty university students read (and in some cases also supplied) real-life epithets aimed at their social identity and then provided an assessment of their (a) perceived short- and long-term consequences, (b) understanding of the motive behind the message, (c) response to the sender, and (d) response to the message in terms of soliciting social support. A content analysis of the accounts produced the following patterns: (a) short- and long-term consequences mirrored a three-stage sequence found within other traumatic experiences; (b) respondents described motives as enduring, not situational, states; (c) the most common response strategies were passive; and (d) participants often sought support. The discussion focuses on implications for interventions that may mitigate negative consequences of hate speech.     

Economic openness and welfare state attitudes: A multilevel study across 67 countries

This article extends previous studies investigating economic globalisation and the welfare state by examining individual attitudes, ranging from a preference for individual responsibility (economic individualism) to public demand for government intervention (social equality), across a large number of countries. It formulates different hypotheses about the direct and moderating effects of economic openness on these attitudes. The multilevel analysis, investigating data from 99,663 citizens of 67 countries, leads to the following two conclusions. First, economic openness is associated with a stronger preference for economic individualism and less demand for government intervention. Second, groups benefiting from globalisation and right‐wing voters have a stronger preference for economic individualism if the economic openness of their country is higher. Key Practitioner Message: ● The results show that some vulnerable groups demand more social protection in economically more open countries.     

Civic discourse on Facebook during the Australian same‐sex marriage postal plebiscite

In 2017 the Australian Government undertook a national survey to determine public support for the legalisation of same‐sex marriage. This raised concerns the ‘plebiscitary' act may create harms to two groups: LGBTI people and those religious people with strong attachment to heteronormative marriage. Justifying the process, the Government advanced the possibility of civil dialogue generative of understanding. While instances of hate speech in public spaces were reported, this paper examines comparatively private speech during the period. Based on an analysis of posts to relevant Facebook pages, this analysis found opponents to same‐sex marriage were more highly mobilised online, and considerable differences in the character of online debate for and against the proposed changes. Importantly, while uncivil and ‘hate' speech were part of online conversations, the overall quantum of this uncivil discourse was lower than many feared. Additionally, the process did not generate considerable democratic dialogue around policy alternatives and rationales, particularly among ‘Yes' campaign supporters who were more homogenous in their acceptance of dominant campaign framing of the issue than their opponents. Significantly for ongoing public debates about public values like educational access and freedom of expression, opponents to change focused their arguments against same‐sex marriage around a subset of unrelated issues: free speech, religious freedoms, and diversity in public schools.     

The Psychological Ambiguity of Immigration and Its Implications for Promoting Immigration Policy

Immigration can evoke two recurring and contradictory social psychology situations: group inclusion and group threat. This ambiguity implies that immigration can bring out either people's communal, egalitarian natures, or their prejudicial, oppressive natures. Further, it means that immigration policies can be framed in ways that appeal to one psychological orientation or the other. Using this perspective, we examined Californians' attitudes toward a fictitious immigration policy. The policy was framed in one of two ways, and participants' values concerning group equality versus group dominance were measured. Results showed that framing the policy as a way of maintaining dominance over immigrants appealed to those high in social dominance orientation, whereas framing the policy as a way of increasing equality between immigrants and members of the receiving society appealed to those low on social dominance orientation. The practical political aspects of promoting immigration policy are discussed.     

自由的两种含义及其对法治的意义

古典自由主义时期 ,自然自由和社会自由的分类已经被明确提出。自然自由是天赋的、与生俱来的自由 ,自然自由强调自由的平等性 ;社会自由是经过理性妥协和制度限制的自由 ,社会自由强调自由的权利性。从自然自由到社会自由就是使自由由价值形态转变为权利存在 ,这个进步在人类自由史上具有里程碑意义。明确自然自由和社会自由的不同含义 ,对于法治具有重要意义 :以价值形态的自然自由为出发点 ,以权利存在的社会自由为制度核心 ,能够造就法治传统 ;宪法是自由的宣言书 ,自然自由体现为价值预设 ,社会自由表现为权利安排 ;自由既是目的 ,又是手段 ,法律制度对自由的限制应具有正当性和适宜度     

Is Valuing Equality Enough? Equality Values, Allophilia, and Social Policy Support for Multiracial Individuals

We conducted a field study to investigate positive intergroup attitudes (i.e., allophilia) and equality values as potential antecedents of social policy support for multiracial individuals. Participants (N = 97) reported their social policy support for multiracial individuals in two ways—support for the recognition of "multiracial" as a distinct racial category (recognition) and support for multiracial individuals' access to programs and policies (assistance). Results revealed that allophilia motivated those who held equality beliefs to support social policies for multiracial individuals. Implications of these findings for theories of positive intergroup relations, as well as the processes that may underlie progress for multiracial individuals, are discussed.     

陶行知民主教育思想及其对我国教育改革的启示

民主教育思想是陶行知重要的教育思想之一。中国传统文化是陶行知民主教育思想产生的土壤,中国近代教育思潮是陶行知民主教育思想成长的甘露,近现代西方教育思想是陶行知民主教育思想升华的有机肥料。陶行知民主教育思想的精神实质是以人为本、以民为贵,促进人的自由、平等和全面发展。他主张通过教育为公以达到天下为公,通过民主教育以实现真正的民主,并尽量发挥大家的创造力。陶行知民主教育思想开我国"教育公平"的先河,对我国当代教育改革具有重要价值。