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1.
自 1 940年以来的 60年里 ,中国社会教育机会分配形态的变化趋势经历了两个截然相反的发展阶段。 1 978年以前 ,教育机会分配从一种极度不平等的状态向着平等化的方向演变 ;而 1 978年之后 ,教育机会分配的不平等程度逐步增强 ,家庭背景及制度因素对教育获得的影响力不断上升。本文基于一项全国抽样调查数据 ,对这两个阶段的教育机会不平等的变化趋势进行了系统描述和分析 ,并得出结论 :意识形态及政府相关政策的变动导致了教育不平等的弱化或增强。  相似文献   

2.
本文尝试提出一个代际教育不平等传递的理论分析框架,强调教育不平等产生机制、具体制度设计和社会状况背景三者间的联系。研究发现,恢复高考后,家庭教育背景成为改革初期教育不平等的主要原因;1992年以后社会分化加剧,教育体制受市场化的冲击,家庭阶层背景的效用显现,教育不平等的产生机制转变为资源转化与文化再生产双重模式并存。其中特别值得注意的是,管理阶层的资源优势正逐步转化成其下一代的教育机会。如果这一进程得以顺利延续和扩展,那么社会分层结构很可能将因此而日益趋向固定化。  相似文献   

3.
如何理解"教育机会均等"   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
张雪 《学术研究》2007,2(8):116-119
教育机会均等的含义是,使来自不同社会地位和出身的人都能够获得平等的受教育机会。平等的受教育机会是人的基本权利,是基本的社会善。由于受社会条件所限,教育机会均等还无法达到实质平等,因而只能是一种形式平等。对受教育机会的平等分配秉承权利与贡献对等的原则,一是受教育机会的完全平等,一是受教育机会的比例平等。教育机会均等包含着条件平等,必须创造条件保障弱势群体平等的受教育机会的实现。最后,教育机会均等并不能导致学生发展结果的完全相同。  相似文献   

4.
一、政治权利分配原则 :一方面 ,每个人不论具体政治贡献如何 ,都应该完全平等地享有政治自由 ,亦即完全平等地共同执掌国家最高权力从而完全平等地共同决定国家政治命运 ;另一方面 ,每个人又因其具体政治贡献 (政治才能 +道德品质 )的不平等而应该担任相应不平等的政治职务 ,从而使每个人所担任的政治职务的不平等与自己的政治贡献的不平等的比例完全平等。二、经济权利分配原则 :一方面 ,每个人不论劳动多少、贡献如何 ,都应该按人类基本物质需要完全平等地分配基本经济权利 ;另一方面 ,则应按每个人所贡献的社会必要劳动时间 ,而分配给他含有同量社会必要劳动时间的非基本经济权利 ,以便使每个人所享有的非基本经济权利的不平等与自己所贡献的社会必要劳动时间的不平等的比例 ,完全平等 (即按劳分配 )。三、机会权利分配原则 :社会所提供的发展才德、做出贡献、竞争职务和地位以及权力和财富等非基本权利的机会 ,是全社会每个人的基本权利 ,是全社会每个人的人权 ,应该人人完全平等。反之 ,家庭、天赋、运气等非社会所提供的机会 ,则是幸运者的个人权利 ,无论如何不平等 ,他人都无权干涉 ;但幸运者利用较多机会所创获的较多权利 ,却因较多地利用了共同资源“社会合作”而应补偿给机会较少者以相应权  相似文献   

5.
论机会平等   总被引:17,自引:0,他引:17  
机会平等的涵义至少应包括生存与发展机会起点的平等、机会实现过程本身的平等、承认并尊重社会成员在发展潜力方面的“自然”差异及由此所带来的机会拥有方面的某些“不平等”。机会平等可分为“共享的机会平等”、“有差别的机会平等”和“形式上的机会平等”、“实际的机会平等”等类型。影响机会平等的主要因素有个人的天赋、家庭、教育、职业等等。政府在创造机会平等中应承担重要责任  相似文献   

6.
社会所提供的发展才德、做出贡献、竞争职务和地位以及权力和财富等非基本权利的机会,是全社会每个人的基本权利,是全社会每个人的人权,应该人人完全平等.反之,家庭、天赋、运气等非社会所提供的机会,则是幸运者的个人权利,无论如何不平等,他人都无权干涉;但幸运者利用较多机会所创获的较多权利,却因较多地利用了共同资源"社会合作"而应补偿给机会较少者以相应权利.  相似文献   

7.
当代中国社会教育公平的理论探析   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
康宇 《兰州学刊》2006,(8):182-184
教育公平是指在特定的社会条件下,人人享有平等受教育的权利和机会,促使自然潜能得到最充分与自由发展的教育理想。中国社会的教育公平仍在接受着严重的挑战。入学机会上的不均等、求学条件上的不公平以及市场机制介入教育和教育市场是中国社会教育不公平现象存在的原因。应用科尔曼教育平等理论及马丁.特罗的大众化理论可以为中国社会的教育公平问题找到理论上的解决之路。同时在实践上,中国社会也要通过正确处理公平与效率的关系、制度上的安排、创新来实现真正的教育公平。  相似文献   

8.
机会平等是一种起始性的条件平等。青年发展机会平等是指青年理应获得由社会提供和保障的、顺利实现自身社会化的条件平等。当前,青年在获得公共发展资源、就业、收入、提升等方面存在机会不平等的现象。本文通过理论分析发展机会平等的实质和实现途径,提出保障当前青年生存性发展机会和竞争性发展机会的对策,以促进社会公平正义。  相似文献   

9.
近年来,中国居民收入不平等程度逐年增大,使用基尼系数等指标不能全面反映收入不平等状况,收入流动的提出为研究者提供了新的视角.收入流动能够反映长期内社会公平程度以及贫困人口收入上升机会的大小.收入流动对缓解长期不平等有作用,收入流动对缓解长期贫困作用明显.收入流动影响因素:个人和家庭基础状态及变化,宏观经济环境和政策.  相似文献   

10.
我国控制人口数量已取得令世界瞩目的成就,而提高人口素质的任务迫在眉睫。导致人口素质下降的最大因素是教育不公平,教育不公平是社会灾难,影响社会各方面,尤其对人口素质的影响最为严重。改变教育不公平状态,消除低素质人口的代际转移,必须发挥政府的主导作用,切实解决引起教育资源配置失当、接受教育机会不平等问题,奠定构建和谐社会的坚实基础。  相似文献   

11.
What accounts for persistent racial differences in wealth ownership? Previous research has debated the role that differences in asset ownership play in creating and maintaining wealth inequality. I use survey data to model the ownership of seven assets and find that whites are indeed more likely than blacks to buy high-risk, high-return assets. I then use a simulation model to explore the effect that these differences have on the distribution of wealth. I separate the effects of asset ownership from the effects of racial differences in family wealth history, earnings, education, marital behavior, fertility, and other influences on wealth inequality. I find that removing racial differences in asset ownership reduced wealth inequality drastically, but not completely, and that racial differences in educational attainment account for much of the remaining difference. I estimate how changes in historical patterns of portfolio behavior and educational attainment would have reduced inequality, and I explore the implications of these findings for reducing wealth inequality in the future.  相似文献   

12.
Previous research suggests that when there is a high level of inequality, there is a low rate of participation. Two arguments are generally offered: First, inequality depresses participation because people from different status groups have fewer opportunities to share common goals. Second, people may participate more in civic and social life when they have more resources. However, until now, these explanations have not been separated empirically. Using EU-SILC data for 24 European countries, we analyze how income inequality is related to civic and social participation. Our results indicate that the main effects of inequality manifest via resources at the individual and societal level. However, independent of these resources, higher inequality is associated with lower civic participation. Furthermore, inequality magnifies the relationship between income and participation. This finding is in line with the view that inter-individual processes explain why inequality diminishes participation.  相似文献   

13.
We develop a comprehensive, multi-level model of income inequality between high earner men and women during the early career stages. We argue that young women are routinely subjected to “gender profiling” by employers—women’s potential contribution to the organization is interpreted through the lens of social stereotypes and cultural norms that attribute to them weaker labor market commitment than men. We investigate two specific mechanisms that arise from this profiling and lead to income inequality: First, women have diminished access to resources and advancement opportunities within the firm which results in lower returns to tenure for women than for men. Second, external mobility is greatly beneficial for men but much less so for women because it reinforces the image of weak commitment. Salary regressions of early career history data of young MBA alumni of a prestigious U.S. business school accord with our conjectures.  相似文献   

14.
协议管辖依当事人自治为基础,将管辖权的确定权交由当事人来完成,从理论上讲应该是确立管辖权最有效和最直接的方式。在互联网案件中,面对互联网的无边界性所带来的传统属地和属人管辖规则难以确定的情况,协议管辖尽显其在互联网案件中管辖权确定的确定性和可预见性的优势。但网络资源占有的不平等,使得对协议管辖有效性的判断,成为互联网案件协议管辖适用时需要考量的重点。  相似文献   

15.
倪小敏 《浙江社会科学》2012,(1):136-140,160
范式转换视角下,20世纪以来不同历史阶段英国教育公平研究的发展,依次出现三个主要研究范式、两次转换:首先是20世纪50年代,阶级分析范式向政治算术范式转换,教育公平研究重心也从揭示入学机会不平等,拓展到教育结果和职业成就领域的不平等,教育公平内涵从入学机会平等延伸至教育结果直至职业成就的平等;其次是20世纪90年代,政治算术研究范式向经验的社会学研究范式转换.经验的社会学研究,揭示了政治算术所不能企及的领域,使教育公平研究的触角深入教育过程内部,并让社会边缘群体发出声音,教育公平内涵也从追求同质化的平等转向“有差异的平等”.两次范式转换给我们的启示是,国内教育公平研究迫切需要突破城乡二元之间资源公平分配的范式,重构一种新的能够包容资源分配和人的差异性的范式.  相似文献   

16.
We use longitudinal data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics to examine how access to financial resources in the extended family affects the accumulation of wealth among non-owners and how these resources subsequently affect transitioning into homeownership. Our findings show that economic conditions of the extended family have substantial effects on non-owners’ wealth accumulation and likelihood of becoming homeowners, even after adjusting for individual sociodemographic and economic characteristics. We find significant effects of extended-family wealth for both black and white households, but effects of extended-family income insufficiency for blacks only. Consequently, limited access to wealth and greater level of poverty in the extended family hamper blacks’ transition to homeownership. Our results show that the level of extended-family wealth necessary for black householders to equalize their likelihood of becoming homeowners with whites is very high. In fact, our findings indicate that white householders embedded in extended families with no net wealth are just as likely to make the transition to ownership as are black householders with affluent extended families. These findings support arguments related to the importance of extended-family resources in processes of residential attainment but also point to important racial differences in not only levels but also consequences of these family resources.  相似文献   

17.
We examine whether the presence of non-intact families in society is related to increased inequality in educational attainment according to social background, as suggested by the ‘diverging destinies’ thesis. We analyze four countries, Germany, Italy, the United Kingdom, and the United States, that differ in the prevalence of non-intact families and in the strength of the negative association between growing up in a non-intact family and children's educational attainment. We use a Blinder-Oaxaca decomposition approach to calculate a ‘counterfactual’ estimate of differences in educational attainment between socioeconomically advantaged and disadvantaged children in the hypothetical absence of non-intact families. Contrary to the diverging destinies thesis, we find little differences between actual and ‘counterfactual’ levels of inequality in educational attainment in all four countries. Whereas growing-up in a non-intact family affects the individual chances of educational attainment, the overall contribution of non-intact families to aggregate levels of social background inequality appears minimal.  相似文献   

18.
Kelley and Evans (2017) found that income inequality (measured at the societal level) did not affect individual well-being in advanced societies but increased individual well-being in developing societies. This paper discusses how this empirical patterning of the inequality-well-being relationship may arise from mechanisms related to the relationship of inequality with economic development (at the macro-sociological level) and to the evolution of emotional reactions to inequality (at the individual-psychological level).  相似文献   

19.
Despite increasing levels of work–family conflict (WFC) among North Americans, few scholars examine the broader contexts in which these conflicts occur. I address this gap by examining how the neighborhood of residence impacts WFC, with a focus on social inequality and disadvantage across neighborhoods. I hypothesize that neighborhood disadvantage may impact WFC directly—by introducing ambient stressors that inhibit individuals from successfully balancing competing domain demands, and indirectly—by undermining the psychological resources that would combat the harmful effects of disadvantaged contexts. Using individual and census-level data from Canada, I consider both objective and subjective measures of neighborhood disadvantage and find that, overall, individuals in more disadvantaged neighborhoods are worse off because these contexts increase WFC, while reducing the psychological resources that would otherwise buffer these deleterious effects. However, some of these associations vary by gender. I discuss the broader implications of these findings for neighborhood effects and WFC research.  相似文献   

20.
Using nationally representative data on the employed, we assess the effects of gender as well as the intersection of race and gender on family leave taking post-FMLA. We find that White men are significantly less likely to take family leaves than White women and men and women of color. Although men across race are less likely to take leaves for newborns, they are almost as likely as women to take leaves for seriously ill children and parents and as likely to take leaves for spouses. Men, regardless of race, tend to take shorter leaves than women. Our results have important implications for the design of leave policy: the broadening of family leaves beyond parental leaves reduces inequality in likelihood of leave; the introduction of leaves for routine family demands probably does little to reduce gender inequality; unpaid leaves mandated by the FMLA may sustain inequality.  相似文献   

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