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1.
Earlier research on attitudes toward abortion has found little or no difference between men and women. To the limited extent that there is any gender effect, men are slightly more inclined than women to be prochoice (e.g., Cook, Jelen, and Wilcox 1992). Women, however, have been found to regard the issue as more important (Scott and Schuman 1988). The present study uses General Social Survey data from 1972 through 1994 to further explore gender and attitudes toward abortion. We find that within three marital statuses–single, married, widowed–men are somewhat more supportive of abortion rights but that women consider the issue to be more important and have clearer but not necessarily stronger attitudes than men. When differences in workforce participation are controlled, the sex effect is reversed, with women being more prochoice than men. Although significantly related to abortion attitudes, race, marital status, and religious identity are not relevant to this reversal in the sex effect.  相似文献   

2.
Abstract

Have women members of Congress made a difference? A handful of studies have answered this “so what” question by looking for differences between male and female legislators. We build on previous research and propose an additional way of answering this question. If women members are making a difference, then they should be changing how men behave in Congress. Specifically, if women members are making a difference, then they should be changing how their male colleagues debate the issues. We content-analyze each House floor debate on the Hyde Amendment to see if women are changing how men debate the abortion issue. We find that men and women frame the abortion debate differently, and we find some evidence that women members of Congress have shifted the debate over time to focus less on the morality of abortion and more on the health of the pregnant women. We hope our research stimulates further work that not only looks for differences between men and women legislators, but also looks to see if the differences cause legislatures to change the way they do business.  相似文献   

3.
Using a wide variety of measures of psychological well-being obtained from a representative sample of married men and women in Bangkok, Thailand, we examine gender differences in psychological well-being. We find that, in Bangkok, as in the United States, married men generally enjoy a higher level of psychological well-being than do married women. We find no support for role strain theory, but we do find support for role enhancement theory. We find that social support has little effect on psychological well-being, but that social strain not only has a significant effect on well-being but also largely accounts for gender differences in well-being. The mixed findings suggest the importance of testing theories in different societal contexts, for they may or may not be easily portable from one culture to another.  相似文献   

4.
Changing Frameworks in Attitudes Toward Abortion   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
For more than two decades, legal abortion has been the subject of heated political debate and adversarial social movement activity; however, national polls have shown little change in aggregate levels of support for abortion. This analysis examines how the determinants of abortion attitudes have changed between 1977 and 1996, using data from the General Social Surveys. While in early time periods, whites were more approving of abortion than blacks, that pattern had reversed by the late 1980s. After controlling for other factors, older people are more accepting of abortion throughout the two decades, while gender is generally unrelated to abortion views. Catholic religion weakens slightly as a predictor of abortion attitudes, while religious fundamentalism and political liberalism increase in explanatory power. The associations between attitudinal correlates and abortion approval also change over this time period. Religiosity becomes a less powerful predictor of abortion attitudes, while respondents' attitude toward sexual freedom and belief in the sanctity of human life increase in their predictive power. Support for gender inequality remains a weak but stable predictor of abortion attitudes. This pattern of results suggests that the public is influenced more by the pro-life framework of viewing abortion than by the pro-choice perspective.  相似文献   

5.
We examine whether there are any systematic gender differences in voluntary public goods provision experiments under the two different framing conditions—the positive-frame and the negative-frame. We find that: (1) there are significant framing effects in their contribution rates for both men and women; (2) there is no significant gender difference in their contribution rates under the positive-frame and (3) there is a significant gender difference in their contribution rates under the negative-frame. In fact, women are more generous in their contribution than men under the negative-frame.  相似文献   

6.
This article explores the relationship between gender balance in the workforce and attitudes towards abortion worldwide. Studies on macro-level conditions related to abortion attitudes overlook the role of gender balance in the workforce—specifically the degree of female representation in a country's workforce. There are strong reasons why this factor could shape abortion attitudes. We argue that such a gender balance creates necessary conditions to break with traditional, anti-abortion ideology and facilitates dissemination and public acceptance of pro-choice views. We test this argument with two different datasets - the Integrated Values Survey and three waves of the International Social Survey Programme—along with two outcomes: general tolerance towards abortion and tolerance towards abortion for pregnant women of low income. Using three-level random intercept models and multiple controls for individual and country-level conditions, the results support our hypothesis: In countries with higher gender balance in the workforce, individuals display higher tolerance towards abortion.  相似文献   

7.
Although prior research has documented persistent racial and gender differences in public opinion on war across U.S. military conflicts, there is little understanding as to how race and gender simultaneously shape war opinion. Using data from the 2008 Chicago Area Study, this analysis locates gender within an intersectional examination of black‐white differences in support for the U.S. war in Iraq. “Structural” and “racialized” explanations for blacks’ lower level of support relative to whites are tested, first using all respondents, and then for men and women. Exploratory analyses show the race gap in war support to exist solely among Chicago women. Racial differences in partisanship and education are most strongly associated with black‐white differences in Iraq War support among Chicago women. In addition, while affiliation with the Republican Party increases the odds of support among both men and women, education and political alienation decrease the odds of support only among women and the odds of support increase with age only among men. Results highlight the utility of an intersectional lens to the study of public opinion on foreign policy.  相似文献   

8.
Despite the growing public concern in recent years about the place of women in business, gender diversity in corporate governance has made little progress. As a consequence, the issue has captured the worldwide attention of policymakers. Several countries are currently adopting or considering the adoption of laws or regulations to promote gender diversity on corporate boards. The purpose of this paper is to compare the effectiveness of using legislative or regulatory means to increase female representation instead of allowing firms to voluntarily fix their own non‐legally binding targets. We find that the relation between gender diversity and performance is positive in countries using the voluntary approach while it is negative in countries using the regulatory approach. We conclude that public policy aimed at increasing the number of women on corporate boards should be introduced gradually and voluntarily rather than quickly and coercively to avoid sub‐optimal board composition.  相似文献   

9.
Abstract

In measuring public opinion about controversial issues, pollsters strive for balanced and comprehensive coverage of the subject. This type of coverage may be undermined, however, when one perspective of the issue tends to predominate in society. This point is illustrated by a review of questions major pollsters asked about the abortion issue over an eight-year period. The data suggest that in querying the public about abortion rights, in describing the legal and empirical realities of the abortion situation and in seeking the public's reaction to abortion politics and policy, pollsters tended to reflect the dominant pro-choice perspective.  相似文献   

10.
It has been suggested that recent first world and third world feminist movements have gained impetus from a shared emphasis on "body politics" (abortion, rape, and domestic violence). It has been made clear by other writers, however, that first and third world women (including women of color in the first world) have very different conceptions of which policies and practices should be pursued to change their reproduction experiences (because the overriding experiences of their entire lives are so very different). Likewise, the concept of "the right to choose" has been challenged on the grounds that it ignores the external conditions (such as economics) which, in fact, dictate "choice." Eugenics also influences which "choices" are promoted among populations considered "undesirable." The dilemmas associated with reproductive choices are further highlighted by debate about the use of amniocentesis in India for sex determination and female feticide. At the center of this debate is whether calling for a ban on this practice would support or violate a woman's choice. The rhetoric of choice arose in the first place because women who wanted to end a pregnancy had "no choice" but to seek illegal abortions. However, working class women and Black women in the US object to the narrowness in the abortion rights agenda dictated by the use of this term. To assert women's "choice" absolves all others of the responsibility for a pregnancy. The "choice" concept is also vulnerable to political manipulation. "Choice" also evades ethical problems such as sex selection. Disabled feminists have also pointed out that it is as important to create conditions which include "the choice to have a disabled child" as it is to choose not to be a mother. Can feminists oppose the selective abortion of female fetuses while leaving the choice to abort a defective or unwanted fetus of either sex up to the mother? Objection to sex determination can be categorized as consequentialist (based on various predicted social and psychological consequences, such as more men would lead to more violence in the world) or nonconsequentialist (based on the inherent immorality of selective abortion). The benefits of sex selection would possibly include a reduction in sex-linked diseases and a reduction in the overall birth rate. Most US feminists support the moral, but not the legal, condemnation of sex selection. In India, where sex selection is openly practiced, feminists have tried to achieve legal prohibition of the use of tests for this purpose. This difference from the US position may be due to the difference in the abortion context in the 2 countries. Whether feminists support legal and/or moral prohibition of sex selection, however, almost all call for the longterm structural changes which must be made in the context of imperialism, racism, and poverty which would allow true "choices" to prevail.  相似文献   

11.
This paper explores the theoretical foundations of American sex discrimination law. Traditional legal frameworks have analyzed gender issues in terms of gender difference. Yet, inder this approach, sex-based differences have been both overlooked and overvalued. In some instances, such as occupational restrictions and military service, courts have transformed biological distinctions into cultural imperatives. In other cases, such as those involving pregnancy, sex-based differences have remain unacknowledged and unaddressed. The alternative framework proposed here focuses less on gender difference than on gender disadvantage- on inequalities in the sexes' social status, political power, and economic security. Taking issues surrounding occupational restrictions, protective labor, and maternity policies as representative samples, the paper suggests how a contextual inquiry can usefully shift gender discrimination law from its focus on difference to the consequences that follow from it. For most of this nation's history, the law's approach to gender difference has alternated between exaggeration and neglect. Neglect has been the preferred strategy; the recent cluster of Bicentennial conferences on women and the Constitution is an ironic reminder of the fact.1 When the nation's founding fauthers spoke of "We the People" they were not using the term generically. Although subject to the Constitution's mandates, women were unacknowledged in its text, uninvited in its formulation, unsolicited in its ratification, and, before the last quarter-century, largely uninvolved in its interpretation. Yet, as these recent conferences also testify, such patterns of silence have been broken. Women have found a voice. How we should use it is a question worthy of greater exploration. The following analysis considers a specific set of questions about voice. How we describe the relation between the sexes involves a politics of paradigms that legal decision makers rarely acknowledge or address. For the most part, traditional legal frameworks have analyzed gender issues in terms of gender difference. Under this approach, sex-based distinctions have been both overvalued and overlooked. In some contexts, such as occupational restrictions, courts have transformed biological differences into cultural imperatives. In other cases, such as those involving pregnancy, those differences have remained unrecognized. Significant progress will require an alternative framework, one focused not on gender difference but on gender disadvantage.  相似文献   

12.
While the average gender gap in pensions is quite well documented, gender differences in the distribution of pensions have rarely been explored. We show in this paper that pension dispersion is very similar for men and women within the French pension system of a given sector (public or private). Gender differences are less marked among retired civil servants than among former private sector employees. However, the determinants of these inequalities are not the same for men and women. Using a regression-based decomposition of the Gini coefficient, we find that pension dispersion is mostly due to dispersion of the reference wage for all retirees but gender differences exist. For women, in particular, pension dispersion is also due to the dispersion in contribution periods. We also decompose the Gini coefficient by source of pension to measure the impact of institutional rules (minimum pensions, survivor’s pension) on the extent of pension inequality. Unexpectedly, we find that the impact of minimum pensions is limited, although slightly larger for civil servants than for private-sector employees. Survivor’s pension schemes, on the other hand, contribute positively to pension dispersion among retired women.  相似文献   

13.
Advice processes are omnipresent in our professional and private lives. We use a laboratory experiment to study how gender and gender matching affect advice giving and how gender matching affects advice following about entry into a real-effort tournament. For advice giving we find that women are less likely than men to recommend tournament entry to advisees than are intermediate performers. Furthermore, women maximize less often the expected earnings of advisees than intermediate performers. For advice following we find that men enter the tournament significantly more often than women in the intermediate-performance group do. Gender matching does not seem to affect advice giving or following. Overall, when it is less clear what the better advice or decision is, gender differences emerge. These results are consistent with findings in other areas that document that gender differences emerge in situations that are more ambiguous.  相似文献   

14.
Using administrative data from Spanish Social Security for the period 2002–2013, we explore differences between unemployed men and women in: their probabilities to find a job, their initial wages if they find a new job, and the likelihood to fall back into unemployment. We estimate bivariate proportional hazard models for unemployment duration and for the consecutive job duration for men and women separately, and decompose the gender gap using a non-linear Oaxaca decomposition. Gender differentials in labour market outcomes are procyclical, probably due to the procyclical nature of typically male occupations. While a higher level of education protects women in particular from unemployment, having children hampers women’s employment and initial wages after unemployment. There are lower gender gaps in the public sector and in high technology- firms. Decompositions show that the gender gaps are not explained by differences in sample composition. Indeed, if women had similar characteristics to men, the gender gap would be even wider.  相似文献   

15.
This article reviews literature from a number of disciplines in order to provide an explanation of the political controversy attached to the provision of abortion counselling. It will show how this is an area of health policy debate in which women's reproductive bodies have become a setting for political struggle. The issue of abortion counselling in Britain has undergone a number of discursive shifts in response to political manoeuvring and changing socio‐legal framing of abortion. In particular, the article shows how much of the controversial reframing of abortion counselling was a tactical shift by political actors opposed to abortion per se, and this work is critiqued for not contextualising abortion. The article then focuses on women's abortion experiences and discusses research that shows how women's decision‐making processes, and responses to an abortion, are related to gendered socio‐cultural contexts: the extent to which women having an abortion feel they have transgressed societal norms and values, for example, is likely to affect their abortion experiences. Finally, it is suggested that providing a non‐judgemental context, and challenging negative discourses on abortion, may be the most effective way of minimising the possibility of negative emotions.  相似文献   

16.
Using 267 repeated policy questions (962 time points), we examinegender differences in policy choices and how they have changedfrom the 1960s to the 1980s. The average gender difference inpreferences toward policies involving the use of force haveconsistently been moderately large. Sex differences in opiniontoward other policies—regulation and public protection,"compassion" issues, traditional values—have been approximatelyhalf as large but they also warrant more attention than in thepast. Our analysis suggests that the salience of issues hasincreased greatly for women, and as a result differences inpreferences have increased in ways consistent with the interestsof women and the intentions of the women's movement.  相似文献   

17.
The vast majority of studies in the sociology of religion show that women are more religious than men. We test a rather controversial conclusion that these differences stem from gender differences in risk aversion. Utilizing Yang's shortage economy perspective on religion in China, we argue that risk is inherent in gray market religious activities. From the risk aversion perspective, we hypothesize that women should participate in gray market less than men. Using the 2007 Spiritual Life Survey, a study of 7,021 respondents in the People's Republic of China, we model gender differences in the number of reported gray market religious activities during the previous 12 months. Our analysis fails to find support for the risk aversion hypothesis. We find that women report significantly more gray market activities than men, even after controlling for a variety of theoretically important variables. Implications for theory and research are discussed.  相似文献   

18.
Abstract

Abortion decisions have a potentially meaningful effect on the lives of men. Previous research suggests that both men and women generally believe that men have the right to be involved in such decisions. However, very little research attention has been devoted to identifying individual difference correlates of discrepant levels of endorsement for male involvement in abortion decisions. The extent to which abortion attitudes (on a pro-choice to pro-life continuum), conceptualization of abortion as strictly a female issue, and interest in the issue operate as effective predictors of the appropriate level of male involvement in abortion decisions was examined in a sample of 1,387 college students. Results of a multiple regression analysis revealed that 44% of the variance in male involvement scores was explained by the predictor variables.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

This article attempts to find types of sources and providers, and likelihood of self-reported complication among Indian women. Fifty-three percent of abortions are done at private health facilities. Only one in every 5 women went to public health facilities, and the rest did not go anywhere (27.5%). Doctors are the major abortion service providers (52.3%) in India. Eighteen percent of women who sought abortion reported some complication. Logit regression shows that complications were 1.8 times higher in the second-trimester than the first-trimester abortion. This study suggests for addressing the demand of abortion by accessing and improving services in public health system.  相似文献   

20.
The tendency of women to be more religious than men has been widely observed. Many theories have been offered to account for this difference, with explanations ranging from the biological to the sociological; no consensus on the explanation has been reached. Using data from the European Social Survey, the European Values Study and the International Social Survey Programme, in conjunction with a new method for measuring the gender gap, we compare different countries, generations and periods in Europe to address three key questions: (1) How much do the differences between men and women depend on what indicator of religiosity (e.g. affiliation, attendance, prayer, belief) is being considered? (2) Is there an association at the national level between the size of the gender gap and the degree of secularization or gender equality? (3) Is there a convergence in the religiosity of men and women across generations or over time? There is some evidence for such a narrowing of the gap in Europe—most noticeably in southern and Eastern Europe—but substantial differences persist. Even in countries that are comparatively secular and where gender inequality has been much reduced, women are considerably more likely than men to identify with a religion, to call themselves religious, and to participate in public and private religious activities.  相似文献   

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