“中国梦”建构中的青年发展与青年责任

青年梦与中国梦是相辅相成的。中国梦要靠广大青年的努力奋斗去实现,从近代中国的悲惨命运和新中国成立后的探索与前进,到如今我们终于有了拥有梦想的勇气,靠的是中国共产党的领导,靠的是一代又一代的青年,现在,时代又赋予青年去实现中国梦的历史使命。从中国梦的内涵可以看出,青年人不仅是中国梦的建设者,而且也会成为中国梦建设成果的最大受益者。我们可以说,当代青年的价值观及创新精神就是中国未来的希望。同时,青年在实现中国梦的过程中能够锻炼成才,实现自身的全面发展。     

实现“中国梦”与构筑当代青年的精神支柱

确立以中国特色社会主义核心价值体系为主导的思想素质和精神支柱,是青年群体实现"中国梦"和人生理想所必备的道德品质成长的基石。精神境界高尚,思想政治素质优良,当代青年运动的方向就能始终代表着时代前进的步伐,成为推动经济与社会发展的生力军。进入新的历史时期,面对国际国内的各种挑战,我们要以科学发展观为指导,以为人民群众服务的社会实践为载体,大力弘扬爱国主义和民族精神,进一步强化思想道德建设,不断构筑当代青年群体强大精神支柱,引导他们在全面建设小康社会、实现"中国梦"的新征程中,奋发进取,继往开来,成长为社会主义的合格建设者和可靠接班人。     

The new geography of information and consulting services in China: Comparing Beijing and Guangzhou

This paper examines China's emerging geography of information and consulting services (ICS)—one of the most rapidly growing economic sectors in the national economy. China's ICS activities have taken place in recent years as the reformed state adapted to and articulated with the intrusion of global market forces. The analysis of the data at the national level has identified a distinct pattern characterized by a high concentration of the ICS industry in a few central metropolises. A further study of the growth and location of ICS activities at the national capital (Beijing) and a provincial capital (Guangzhou) has revealed a close and sophisticated relationship between the state and market forces that underlined the growth of ICS in different locales. The existing literature on the service economy can be enhanced by moving beyond the thesis of the Engle's law and the notion of localized production networks to take more seriously state–market relations as a key to understanding the growth and location of service activities in emerging economies such as China.     

Networked framing between source posts and their reposts: an analysis of public opinion on China's microblogs

Retweeting a post on a social media platform is a part of a process of growing significance through which public opinion formation takes place. A ‘retweet count’ on, say Twitter or weibo, can be taken as a measure of user influence. The assumption is that when B retweets A's message, B empathizes with A and wishes to disseminate the message more widely. But this assumption has hardly been tested and preliminary evidence suggests practices for retweeting on Twitter vary. Nor can retweeting practices on Twitter be assumed to apply on weibo. This paper makes the first effort to understand the practice of reposting on China's weibo, focusing on the content of reposts in comparison to that of the original messages. A quantitative comparison is made of the frame [Entman, R. M. (1993). Framing: Toward clarification of a fractured paradigm. Journal of Communication, 43(4), 51–58; Gamson, W. A., & Modigliani, A. (1989). Media discourse and public opinion on nuclear power: A constructionist approach. American Journal of Sociology, 95, 1–37] of the source post of 21 cases, and their reposts. The posts and reposts all refer to the issue of officials being exposed for corruption on Sina Weibo. The study finds sound evidence of networked framing, in which reposters revised frames of the source posters while disseminating them. Although over half of the reposts merely republished the source post without added content, what emerged were new communicative functions, case definitions, and a diagnosis of the consequences of exposing the cases. However, different types of user accounts drew different reposting frames, which points to a consistent paradigm between the source accounts and the reposters. The results are important for understanding the mechanisms behind the formation of public opinion on weibo.