共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Karin Lurvink 《Slavery & abolition》2013,34(3):472-493
This article shows that slavery was more connected to Dutch society and economy than has been previously assumed. It does so by investigating the people involved in Dutch slavery insurance in the period 1718–1734, when the Dutch slave trade was monopolized by the state-chartered West India Company (WIC) and the period 1763–1778, when the private slave trade reached its peak and slavery insurance was more common. This article analyzes a variety of primary sources that have not been studied in this light before. The analysis shows that a large and varied group was involved and that slavery insurance was not a regional institution that only affected the Dutch colonies. 相似文献
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Pieter Emmer 《Slavery & abolition》2013,34(3):234-247
La traite des Noirs; Bastilles négrières et velléités abolitionnistes. SERGE DAGET. Editions Quest‐France Université, 1990. 300 pp. 132 Ffr 70. Esclaves et Citoyens, les Noirs à la Guadeloupe au XIXe siècle dans le processus de résistance et d'intégration, 1802–1910. JOSETTE FALLOPE. Basse Terre: Société d'Histoire de la Guadeloupe, 1992. 713 pp. 相似文献
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Patricia A. Reid 《Slavery & abolition》2013,34(3):359-380
This article goes beyond previous interpretations of the Prigg v. Pennsylvania opinion by focusing on the historical circumstances and lived experiences of Margaret Morgan and her family and other African Americans who lived along the Mason–Dixon line. By examining the ambiguity of slavery and freedom as revealed in Margaret Morgan's status in Maryland and in Pennsylvania, as well as looking closely at the development of case law in both states, this article also provides a thorough understanding of the issues in the Prigg case. 相似文献
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Trevor Burnard 《Slavery & abolition》2013,34(4):537-539
This article argues that the terms of identity claimed by and ascribed to Africans and their descendants in the Americas during the era of the trans-Atlantic slave trade functioned less as claims of provenance than as complicated, shifting and highly contested languages of political logic. Focusing on the ‘Kromanti’ identity associated with all major acts of resistance and maroonage in the eighteenth-century British- and Dutch-colonized Caribbean, this article connects a strategy developed by the Asante state for coping with a particular moment of beheading of the body politic in 1717 to oath-taking strategies employed by maroons of diverse origins to reconstitute viable communities. Examining the ways in which political claims were made through a language of Obeah, or social health and healing, this article argues that ritual practices comprised the discursive field of political action for eighteenth-century Africans and their descendants in Jamaica and beyond. 相似文献
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M. Scott Heerman 《Slavery & abolition》2017,38(3):489-509
This article offers an analysis of Indigenous and African slavery in the Illinois Country during the eighteenth century. It shows that slavery did not operate as an institution and was not organized around plantation production, but that human bondage was a set of adaptable practices. Slavery took many forms, and masters had to adapt to that diversity and, in so doing, they forged a single, heterogeneous slave system. Frenchmen brought enslaved workers of African descent to the Illinois Country, and masters worked them on grain farms to sustain an export economy. In this way, Illinois’s economy shared much with the wider Atlantic World. Yet they had to revise their slaving practices in light of the reality that indigenous forms of bondage pre-dated their arrival. In Native North America, slavery operated as a kin-based system of captivity that could structure alliances and sustain local politics between diverse groups. Masters participated in this form of slavery, and incorporated Indigenous slaves into their economies. Rather than stressing the differences that existed between diverse forms of human bondage, this article moves beyond an institutional analysis of slavery to show how slavery’s many guises mutually defined each other across generations. 相似文献
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Jessica Vance Roitman 《Slavery & abolition》2016,37(2):375-398
The asymmetry of laws concerning the abolition of slavery and the emancipation of slaves in the Atlantic world in the early-to-mid nineteenth century led to a range of responses on the part of inhabitants of the Dutch Leeward islands of Saba, St. Eustatius, and St. Martin. These ranged from activism, adaptation, accommodation to, as this article highlights, maritime marronage on the part of the enslaved population of these islands. The Dutch Leeward islands have been understudied in the historiography of abolition and emancipation but, as this article will argue, they should be included into the larger story of how abolition was experienced on the local, regional, Atlantic, and international stages. 相似文献
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This article analyses whether the Jews leaving Tsarist Russia and the Austro‐Hungarian Empire, part of the transatlantic mass migration of the end of the nineteenth century, became subject to state control. Most emigrants from Eastern Europe in this period passed through the ports of Bremen, Hamburg and Antwerp. In the 1880s only a few emigrants were not welcome in America and sent back to Europe, but economic competition and the supposed health threat immigrants posed meant the US became the trendsetter in implementing protectionist immigration policy in the 1890s. More emigrants were returned to Europe because of the newly erected US federal immigration control stations, but many more were denied the possibility to leave for the United States by the remote control mechanism which the American authorities enforced on the European authorities and the shipping companies. At the Russian–German border and the port of Antwerp, shipping companies stopped transit migrants who were deemed medically unacceptable by American standards. The shipping companies became subcontractors for the American authorities as they risked heavy fines if they transported unwanted emigrants. The Belgian authorities refused to collaborate with the Americans and defended their sovereignty, and made shipping companies in the port of Antwerp solely responsible for the American remote migration control. Due to the private migration control at the port of Antwerp transit migrants became stuck in Belgium. The Belgian authorities wanted these stranded migrants to return “home.” It seems that the number of stranded migrants remained manageable as the Belgian authorities did not make the shipping companies pay the bill. They were able to get away by making some symbolic gestures and these migrants were supported by charitable contributions from the local Jewish community. 相似文献
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Ahmed Reid 《Slavery & abolition》2016,37(1):159-182
The article revisits one of the most significant questions in the historiography of British West Indian slavery and abolition. It examines the argument that the relatively weak state of the British West Indian economy from the 1780s onward was the main reason why Britain abolished the slave trade in 1807. In confronting this question of decline, the article analyzes the largest and most important slave plantation economy – Jamaica – during the early eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Using newly generated indicators such as total factor productivity and national income, the paper constructs a case for the dynamism and efficiency of the plantation system in Jamaica right up to abolition in 1807. 相似文献
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Carey H. Latimore IV 《Slavery & abolition》2013,34(1):119-137
This article explores the ways that Richmond City's municipal authorities applied Virginia's pass-code laws governing free African American residency between 1850 and 1860. In Virginia, a free African American had to have a pass – a legal document attesting to one's free status – but that pass had to be renewed every three years, and it had to be approved by the city or county in which the free African American currently resided. Legally, undocumented free blacks included persons who did not have a pass, ones who may have had a pass but failed to carry one on their person, or African Americans with expired passes. Without such attestation, free blacks in antebellum Virginia were subject to incarceration and had to reimburse the city for all attendant fees. If they could not pay the fees, the court hired them out to the highest bidder. While historians have spent considerable time debating the legal status of free African Americans, they have not focused on how municipal authorities, particularly in rapidly industrialising southern cities, used pass codes not only as a way to maintain social control over free African Americans, but also increasingly as a means to provide cheap and accessible unfree labour to local businesses and industries. 相似文献