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Fisk University began the genesis of HBCU graduate programs in 1880. During the next fifty years, several other HBCUs established graduate programs. That group included Lincoln, Howard, and Morgan State. However, only Lincoln University established a PhD program. The primary goal of this paper is to provide a historical perspective regarding the development of social work doctoral degree programs in the context of HBCU graduate degree program development. Although HBCU social work doctoral programs have only existed since 1978, they are significant and growing academic enterprises which are expanding the pool of doctoral level social work experts and professors of color. Further, these programs should be viewed contextually as producers of scholars on the larger landscape of the academy.  相似文献   

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Futurism was launched as a revolutionary, iconoclastic movement encompassing the arts, politics and society. It rejected all ties with the past and preached with missionary zeal the advent of a new man and the total reconstruction of society. Despite its powerful impact on Italian politics, the importance of Futurism has scarcely been addressed in the social sciences. Yet, it continues to attract the interest of historians, literary critics and art historians. In fact, the major methodological hindrance for a more articulated research remains the latter's unchallenged hegemony, with their selective propensity to eulogistic accounts. The result is the neglect of Futurism's political dimension as a fully fledged nationalist movement. Aiming to redress this imbalance, the article analyzes Futurist politics through the movement's actions, proclaims and manifestos. It distinguishes early Futurism's anti-establishment ultra-nationalism (1909–1915) from the more institutionalized 'muscular' patriotism adopted after its merger with Fascism (1924–1944). In a global context of mounting nationalist state-building and spiralling inter-state rivalries, Italy's unitary, homogenizing nationalism provided a congenial matrix for the advent of war-mongering patriotism and irredentism. Here, Futurism found an ideal structure of political opportunities, in which it could articulate its unique repertoire of action. The futurists' peculiar talent in 'manufacturing consent' through the media was put to test in their marketing of war as adventurous boundary-building enterprise, a vision subsequently appropriated by Fascism.  相似文献   

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The text refers to the space around the Nathan Rapoport’s Monument to the Fighters and Martyrs of the Ghetto and the Museum of the History of Polish Jews POLIN in Warsaw (Poland). The site of death – at the heart of the former Warsaw Ghetto – has now become a site overloaded with other symbolic messages. Two main symbolic centers (the 1948 Monument and the 2013 Museum) are today encircled by ten other, additional memorials. The message emerging from the content as well as the proportion of commemorations is that Polish solidarity with the Jews was a fact and it stood the test of terror and death brought by the Germans. Although it does not undermine the veracity of the few and isolated exceptions, such a version of events is drastically different from the actual facts. Both symbolic centers are perceived as emblems of Jewish minority narrative. Additional artefacts are a message formulated by the Polish majority. They constitute a kind of symbolic encirclement, block. Emphasizing the dominant majority’s version of the events in this place is in fact a symbolic pre-emptive action. It is meant to silence the unwanted narrative or suppress even the mere possibility that it might emerge. What turns out to be at stake in the dominant Polish narrative about the Holocaust and Polish-Jewish relations is the image of Poland and the Poles. This shows not only the topographic and symbolic situation but also the socio-cultural context of the functioning of the new Museum.  相似文献   

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伊斯兰文明与中华文明的对话历史源远流长,它们在交流中互通有无,相得益彰,影响深远,堪称古代世界文明交流的佳话.本文旨在以阿拉伯文、中文文献及实地调查资料为基础,对唐朝至明朝期间阿中友好往来的历史进行回顾,以期以史为鉴,继往开来.  相似文献   

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Based on archival and ethnographic data from the Polish case, this article argues that national mythology is structured by historical events and embodied in visual and material cultures, which in turn frame national subjects’ understanding of the present. It suggests that the convergence and exchange between diverse sites of material expression and sensory perception, and their compression into trans-temporal nodes—what I call the “national sensorium”—makes them especially resilient. Even so, as historically constructed, contingent and contested systems of myths, the extent to which national mythologies can shape national identity or mobilize toward nationalist action depends on the specific historical contexts in which they are deployed. Theoretically, this article joins historical and phenomenological approaches to propose a framework for thinking about the constitution, persistence and shifting social and political valences of national mythologies.  相似文献   

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伊斯兰文明与中华文明的对话历史源远流长,它们在交流中互通有无,相得益彰,影响深远,堪称古代世界文明交流的佳话。本文旨在以阿拉伯文、中文文献及实地调查资料为基础,对唐朝至明朝期间阿中友好往来的历史进行回顾,以期以史为鉴,继往开来。  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Whilst the fall of state socialism in 1989 opened up a space for the Polish LGBT movement to emerge and develop, over the last three decades the process has taken place against the backdrop of material and ideological constraints of neoliberalization, a point that has been largely overlooked in the scholarship on the Polish LGBT movement. Informed by interviews with Polish LGBT activists this article explores the contradictory ways in which processes of neoliberalization and market logic influence and often constrain the Polish LGBT movement. The argument is that neoliberalization and its logic profusely affect what is possible and desirable for the Polish LGBT movement on a personal, local as well as a national level. The contradictory effects of the processes of neoliberalization combined with the political climate, with minimal or no state support for LGBT organizing, result in a movement that is at the mercy of the market-like environment, under-resourced, dependent almost entirely on voluntary labor and spatially scarce.  相似文献   

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This article analyzes and interprets empirical findings from studies carried out in Poland over the last years to identify changes in familial support networks for the elderly. In comparison with Western Countries, the Polish family is much closer to the traditional mode and plays a key role in the supportive networks of the elderly. This analysis points to considerable changes in the model of family help. Its shape has become more symmetrical: the help given by old parents to adult children has increased visibly whereas the children's help for parents has decreased. These changes have not seriously reduced the importance of the family as a primary support group. This fact is related to cultural factors and the economic and political situation in Poland. It is concluded that while various services need to be developed along Western lines, this development should be accompanied by a strengthening of various forms of family care.  相似文献   

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Poland enacted in 1997 legislation that founded a health care system in which health insurance societies contract with providers to deliver health services to the insured population. Through a review of the new statutes, interviews with key informants, analysis of public opinion polls and surveys of insurance administrators and health care workers, we examined the impact of reform on Poland's older citizens. The findings indicate that older adults are likely to be adversely affected by the inadequacies of insurance premiums as a source of finance, the lack of emergent private medical enterprise, and the failure to eradicate private health in its earlier, black market incarnation.  相似文献   

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In this article I use findings from an ESRC funded project on language and identity in the narratives of Polish people to challenge a narrow approach to language in debates about integration. I argue that decisions about learning languages are influenced by wider concerns of self and other identification rather then simply being issues of instrumental need. I show how research participants viewed speaking Polish as an important part of being Polish, that is, of their identity. They recognised that changing the language they spoke involved questioning the way they presented themselves and how they related to others. I discuss how language was used to differentiate between ‘us’ and ‘others’, including in terms of values and the ways in which these perceptions of difference influenced social interactions.  相似文献   

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The unspecified visual art referent in Akhmatova’s enigmatic poem, “An Old Portrait” (Staryi portret, 1910), dedicated to the painter Aleksandra Ekster, has long inspired critical speculation. scholars (superfin and Timenchik, Rosslyn, Rubins) have proposed numerous readings, but none has entirely resolved the poem’s mysteries. I will argue that the ballets Le Pavillon d’Armide and Cléopâtre, performed in the first Paris season of the Ballets Russes, provide hitherto unexplored subtexts for the spare but dramatic poem. Considered within the context of the ballets, the poem’s characters and details take on more specific and meaningful contours. By analyzing these ballets’ respective libretti, costume designs and stage sets, it becomes possible to detect in the poem references to the Gobelins portrait depicting the deadly enchantress in Le Pavillon d’Armide, the poisoning of Amoun at the conclusion of Cléopâtre, and Vaclav Nijinsky’s performances as Armida’s servant in Le Pavillon d’Armide and Cleopatra’s slave in Cléopâtre. The poem also demonstrates Akhmatova’s early fascination with portraiture, especially the complex relationship between artist and sitter. In this sense, “An Old Portrait” anticipates the poet’s eventual cultivation of her own image in portraits painted by her contemporaries.  相似文献   

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The aim of this article is to describe and compare the situation of women in two countries from Central and Eastern Europe. Its focus is to account for the participation of women in the public sphere. The justification for choosing Bulgaria and Poland lies in the argument that although a more or less uniform regime of state socialism provides the background of a shared past, many other factors affect the assessment of women's current situation. First the historical and cultural contexts are described. Then the current situation of women is compared to that of men, yet paying attention to the differences that exist within the groups of women. Next the analyses of participation of women in formal politics on both the national and local levels as well as in women's NGOs are presented. The outcomes of public opinion polls concerning the "women's problem' in Bulgaria and Poland are compared. I argue that despite the generally more advantageous situation in Poland women in both countries experience comparable problems, though for dissimilar structural reasons.  相似文献   

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