处境尴尬的以色列阿拉伯人

以色列阿拉伯人是以色列的少数群体，最初为1948年巴勒斯坦战争后没有逃亡的巴勒斯坦人。历经近60年的变迁，以籍阿拉伯人在方方面面发生了显著变化，但这无法掩盖其内心难以名状的伤痛。他们处于既无法融入以色列犹太主流社会、又被阿拉伯大家庭所遗弃的尴尬境地。以色列的犹太国性质及所推行的政策是导致以籍阿拉伯人在以色列国内处于“二等公民”地位的基本原因。面对未来，以籍阿拉伯人又面临着成为“以色列人”还是“巴勒斯坦人”的两难抉择。     

试析犹太恐怖主义的发展、演变——从"抵抗型恐怖主义"到"定点清除"

历史上犹太恐怖主义是特定时代背景下的产物,其与犹太极端民族主义和宗教极端主义密切关联,并以极端的方式表现出来。近代以来,犹太恐怖主义经历了不断强化的三个阶段:以色列建国前"以暴制暴"的"抵抗型恐怖主义";建国后,犹太恐怖主义开始步入"国家化"轨道;2000年巴以冲突爆发以来,"以恐反恐"的"定点清除"不断强化。"定点清除"作为以色列安全政策正式出台表明,以色列业已实现将"以恐反恐"的措施与国家安全战略的有机结合。尽管犹太人恐怖活动的不断升级与巴勒斯坦局势的变化和以色列所处的安全困境有关,但以色列"以恐反恐"的"定点清除"对中东和平进程所造成的创伤是难以愈合的。     

从阿拉伯民族主义到巴勒斯坦民族主义——巴勒斯坦民族的成长历程

巴勒斯坦民族经历了从“潜在民族”→“自在民族”→“自觉民族”的过程。在思想领域,巴勒斯坦人经历了从阿拉伯民族主义到巴勒斯坦民族主义的转变。在完成了这一转变后,美国、以色列和国际社会才把解决巴勒斯坦问题的重心从阿拉伯国家转移到巴勒斯坦人身上,才使中东和平进程步入了正确轨道。     

巴勒斯坦民族的人口和社会特点

人口的地区分布1981年,阿拉伯巴勒斯坦人的总数约为450万。表一是巴勒斯坦人在各地的分布。从表中可见,占总数约40％的巴勒斯坦人仍然居住在巴勒斯坦(约旦河西岸18.7％,加沙地带10％,1967年前被占领的巴勒斯坦12.4％);占总数25％的巴勒斯坦人居住在约旦;其余的分散居住在阿拉伯各国(30％)和其他国家(5％)。1980年,作为难民在联合国巴勒斯坦难民署登记的巴勒斯坦人有1,844,318人,占巴勒斯坦人总数     

巴勒斯坦民族复兴的历史考察

巴勒斯坦民族复兴的历史考察赵克仁巴勒斯坦民族是一个多灾多难的民族。犹太复国主义者进入巴勒斯坦后不久，巴勒斯坦人就陷入了与犹太复国主义者的对抗和冲突之中。帝国主义的争夺，大国强权政治的影响，使这一地区长期动荡。第二次世界大战后，围绕巴勒斯坦问题，阿以双...     

犹太人能成为基督徒吗?反思、挑战与困惑

本文从一名犹太基督徒的视角出发,阐述了在作者身上所发生的犹太教与基督教身份之间的张力,并从耶稣、保罗以及早期犹太基督徒身上寻找解决方案,进而消解基督教与犹太教之间历史上的误会与冲突,以及如何从基督教的角度去协同与犹太教的关系。最后,作者陈述了现代以色列国内巴勒斯坦人的现状,并提出作为一个基督徒的正当立场。     

试论阿拉伯被占领土问题对以色列民族国家构建的影响

1967年的第三次中东战争以以色列占领了拟议中的全部巴勒斯坦国土及西奈半岛和戈兰高地而结束。阿拉伯被占领土表面上使以色列的地缘形势与安全环境得到了改善,然而其在阿、以冲突中悬而未决的地位使以色列的疆界长期处于模糊不定的状态。这种状况诱发了以色列社会内部的政坛动荡、文化转型与民族认同分裂以及族群矛盾的凸显,从而对以色列的民族国家构建产生了不容忽视的消极影响。     

黎以冲突:中东民族问题的缩影

6月25日,巴勒斯坦极端组织哈马斯武装分子劫持了一名以色列士兵,以军向加沙发射猛烈炮火,对巴勒斯坦全民实施“集体惩罚”,以迫使哈马斯武装放人。不料7月12日,黎巴嫩真主党游击队进入以色列境内,攻击边界巡逻队,打死了3名士兵,并劫持了2名士兵。以巴之间的矛盾急遽转变为以色列和黎巴嫩真主党武装之间的大规模冲突。以军总参谋长丹·哈鲁兹威胁,如果真主党不释放以军士兵,将使黎巴嫩“倒退20年”。目前,冲突有进一步扩大的危险。这次的黎以冲突,再度将真主党推到了中东战火的前台,也给本来就混乱不堪的中东局势增添了不可预知的变数。     

犹太教、犹太复国主义与以色列现代化

犹太教是世界上最古老的宗教之一 ,是犹太复国主义理论的思想渊源。犹太复国主义是由于犹太人在欧洲遭受歧视和迫害而兴起的犹太民族主义思潮和实践运动。它既反映了分散在世界各地的广大中下层犹太人在长期遭受迫害之后渴望建立一个国家 ,从而摆脱流离失所的苦难生活的愿望 ;同时又是犹太资产阶级和帝国主义相互勾结 ,在巴勒斯坦进行侵略扩张的产物。没有犹太复国主义就没有以色列。如何处理犹太教、犹太复国主义与现代化的关系是以色列无法回避的问题。一在以色列国建立之前 ,犹太教是犹太人保持犹太特性的唯一选择。犹太复国主义是世俗的…     

黎巴嫩境内的巴勒斯坦难民问题浅析

1948年第一次中东战争后大量巴勒斯坦人越过边界来到黎巴嫩境内成为难民。由于黎巴嫩是一个基督教与伊斯兰教并存且宗派林立的国家,各社会阶层对于难民的态度并不一致,导致巴勒斯坦难民在黎巴嫩的处境十分艰难。解决黎巴嫩境内巴勒斯坦难民问题的前提应是所有巴勒斯坦难民问题的彻底解决。就当前形势来看,现状的持续是包括黎巴嫩境内巴勒斯坦难民在内的所有巴勒斯坦难民不得不接受的现实。     

Palestine as ‘a state of mind’: second-generation Polish and British Palestinians’ search for home and belonging

This article reflects on the ways in which children of Palestinian exiles born in Poland and the UK relate to their ancestral homeland and how they make sense of their Palestinian inheritance in the present. It argues that while the second generation of Palestinian diasporic subjects maintain links with their parents’ homeland these connections are not limited to the intergenerational transmission of cultural identity. The article explores how Palestine ‘becomes’ important for second-generation Palestinians. It argues that it is the re-occurring waves of violence inflicted on Palestinians that activate and shape their engagement with Palestine. Rather than a sense of attachment based exclusively on a personal connection with ancestral ‘roots’, the article argues that the second generation also develop a sense of long-distance post-nationalism that transforms their connection with Palestine into a more universal endeavour for justice and against the dispossession. These arguments are based on the findings of a two-year multi-sited ethnography which involved oral history interviews with 35 Palestinians of different generations, carried out in Poland and in the UK, including 15 interviews with second-generation Palestinians, as well as site-specific field visits in Israel and Palestine and follow-up ‘return’ interviews.     

Palestinians and the Arab Uprisings: political activism and narratives of home,homeland, and home-camp

This article examines the ways in which Palestinians have been affected by the Arab Uprisings and their aftermath, especially in light of their statelessness and protracted refugeedom. It does so by analysing the narratives of 49 Palestinians who were based in France, Sweden, and the UK at the time of interview between 2012 and 2014. We show that the forms of mobilisation and/or identifications that Palestinians in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) and beyond engaged in with regard to the Arab Uprisings, transcended the link between the host state and the homeland. They extended to a plurality of in-between spaces such as Palestinian refugee camps, Arab host states, and Arab countries experiencing the uprisings. We argue that these in-between spaces became salient to broader conceptions of Palestinian identity and activism because Palestinian-ness is shaped not only through attachment to place, but also through particular experiences that are associated with Palestinian identity.     

Dutch assimilation versus migrants’ hybridism: narratives of Poles in The Hague

An observer of the debates conducted amongst Palestinian intellectuals over the one-state solution in Palestine/Israel, will have perceived a surge of interest in these discussions in recent years. This article investigates the reasons for the mounting interest, and attempts to introduce a number of distinctions and parameters into the debate in order to create some order within it – an increasingly imperative task if these discussions are to proceed in a constructive manner.

In the first section of the paper, the author seeks to ascertain the source of the impetus for a revival of the one-state solution (OSS); the article also outlines a typology of the arguments commonly evoked in favor of the OSS, exploring its allure for Palestinians. The second section aims to determine what, if the OSS is indeed ‘the solution,’ is the problem that it purports to solve, and in what sense it constitutes a solution to that problem. In this section, the author claims that many of the arguments deployed in support of the OSS are misplaced and do not truly represent an answer to the actual problems facing the Palestinians. The author's main line of reasoning is that the existing criticisms of the Oslo Accords and its perceived failure should not inexorably lead the Palestinians to abandon the two-state solution (TSS) and adopt the OSS, as this solution is not necessarily more just (although it might be), nor is it incontrovertibly more realizable. The third section argues that support of the OSS nevertheless represents a compelling option for the Palestinians, but for reasons other than those usually put forward by its advocates. Its value lies not in the disputable fact that it is a better ‘solution’, but rather in that it provides the means for altering present relations between Palestinians and the Israeli state, empowering Palestinians and supplying them with tools for their struggle. Understood in this way – as a means rather than a final solution – the OSS has the potential to change the fundamental parameters of the problem, reformulating the present by perceiving it through the prism of an imagined future. The evocation of the OSS shifts the Palestinian position from a struggle unto death against the Israelis to a master-slave dialectics with them. This shift turns Palestinian weakness into strength, puts limits on Israeli power, and furnishes the Palestinians with a plan and agenda for struggle, which they currently lack.     

Crime,politics and police in the Palestinian's society in Israel

This paper offers an analysis of crime in the Palestinian society in Israel from the perspective of political relationships. It illustrates that the state of Israel is trying to define and identify crime through ideologies and narrow interests. This process is part of a mechanism of control, which intends to criminalize the daily life of the Palestinians. Discriminatory behavior against Arabs by police is more apparent and the records on crime are sometimes inaccessible, with a mania for secrecy, and view the whole Arab community as a security danger. The Israeli social control policy politicizes this community, with excess control in some areas and a lack of control in others. The paper concludes that no detailed arguments are needed in order to see the ineffectiveness of the Israeli control policy as long as the basic root of the political struggle is not answered.     

Racism,militarisation and policing: police reactions to violence against Palestinian women in Israel

This article moves beyond the discussion of police racism to a broader account of the militaristic racism of policing in Israel. The highly permeable boundaries between the military, society and the political conflict all affect how violence against women is policed. Focusing on case studies of police officers' perceptions of abused Palestinian Israeli women — members of an ethnic and indigenous minority — this paper considers key features of the policing of violence against women in a militaristic context and during a continuous political conflict. Police officers' philosophies and actions in law enforcement concerning violence against women are critically scrutinised. The findings indicate that while some aspects of cultural difference between the indigenous ethnic group and the majority are relevant to policing, focusing predominantly on the ‘cultural characteristics’ or ‘ethnic traditions or rituals’ of the policed population and denying the effect of the political conflict between Israel and the Palestinians as a factor in the militarisation of policing can reinforce rather than ameliorate ethnic prejudice, racism and discrimination.     

Preservation of Palestinian Arab heritage as a strategy for the enrichment of civil coexistence in Israel

This paper focuses on different heritage centers established by individuals and groups of activists from the Palestinian community in Israel to independently record, preserve and organize their history and cultural heritage through educational and cultural activity. It reviews the historical developments that have occurred in this challenging voluntary work, pointing up a significant awakening that has occurred since the 1990s and proposing new directions and a framework for the expansion and deepening of the preservation of Palestinian Arab heritage in Israel. Consequently, the paper discusses projects of academic researchers that aim to preserve Palestinian Arab heritage in Israel, leading naturally and substantially to a genuine and egalitarian collaboration between Jews and Arabs. This collaborative effort in academic projects creates a firm foundation for the development of mutual respect and recognition concerning the unique historical and cultural roots of each side and could enrich civil coexistence in Israel.     

Terror, Resource Gains and Exclusionist Political Attitudes among New Immigrants and Veteran Israelis

This study analyses the antecedents of exclusionist political attitudes towards Palestinian citizens of Israel among Israeli immigrants from the former Soviet Union in comparison to Old Jewish Israelis (OJI). A large-scale study of exclusionist political attitudes was conducted in the face of ongoing terrorism in Israel through telephone surveys carried out in September 2003 with 641 OJI and 131 immigrants. The main goal of the survey was to estimate the influence of perceived loss and gain of resources-as a consequence of terror-on attitudes towards Palestinian Israelis, while controlling for other relevant predictors of exclusionism-i.e. authoritarianism or threat perception. Findings obtained via interaction analyses and structural equation modelling show that a) immigrants display higher levels of exclusionist political attitudes towards Palestinian citizens of Israel than OJI; b) loss of resources, authoritarianism, and hawkish (rightist) worldviews predict exclusionist political attitudes among both immigrants and non-immigrants; c) failure to undergo post-traumatic growth (resource gain) in response to terrorism (e.g. finding meaning in life, becoming closer to others) is a significant predictor of exclusionist political attitudes only among immigrants.     

Finding the Keys to Autonomy: Educated Palestinian–Israeli Single Women Migrating South in Search of Work

The tendency for internal migration is limited among Palestinian–Israelis, due to internal and external barriers. However, in recent years many educated Palestinian–Israeli single women have migrated in search of work. This article is based on qualitative research I conducted among Palestinian–Israeli single women who moved south in Israel. This migration originates in economic and occupational hardship but may lead to mobility and autonomy for these women and shapes gender relations in their communities. Using the terminology coined by Walby (1989)—“dual systems theories”—and by Kandiyoti (1988)—“bargaining with patriarchy”, I will examine how these women bargain with capitalism, deconstruct patriarchal regimes, and challenge accepted gender relations.     

‘The orange was dried up and shriveled’: oranges and the crisis of nationalism in Ghassan Kanafani and Smilansky Yizhar

The year is 1948. Palestinians, the majority of whom lived in or near the coastal areas extending from Acre to the northern part of Gaza, were dispossessed of their land. The loss of coastal areas, characterised by the abundance of orange-groves and the citrus industry, is represented in Palestinian and Israeli post-nakba literature. Whilst Kanafani and Yizhar use the orange symbol to link between land, memory, belonging and the necessity of Palestinian/Jewish return, I offer a quintessential comparison between both writers who also employ this symbol to problematise the presence of Arab nationalism and to build an image of Zionism-in-crisis.     

The dynamics of negation: identity formation among Palestinian Arab college students inside the green line

How does granting certificates of ‘business clean of Arab workers’ to owners of shops, stores, and Jewish businesses who prove they are not employing Arab workers shape identity? Identity development involves making sense of, and coming to terms with, the social world one inhabits, recognizing choices and making decisions within contexts, and finding a sense of unity within one's self while claiming a place in the world. Since there is no objective, ahistoric, universal trans-cultural identity, views of identity must be historically and culturally situated. This paper explores identity issues among members of the Palestinian Arab minority in Israel. While there is a body of literature exploring this subject, we will offer a different perspective by contextualizing the political and economic contexts that form an essential foundation for understanding identity formation among this minority group. We argue that, as a genre of settler colonialism, ‘pure settlement colonies’ involve the conquering not only of land, but of labor as well, excluding the natives from the economy. Such an exclusion from the economy is significant for its cultural, social, and ideological consequences, and therefore is especially significant in identity formation discussed in the paper. We briefly review existing approaches to the study of identity among Palestinian Arabs in Israel, and illustrate our theoretical contextual framework. Finally, we present and discuss findings from a new study of identity among Palestinian Arab college students in Israel through the lens of this framework.