首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 500 毫秒
1.
Usually the concept of Europeanization refers to processes that download the European Union (the EU) regulations and institutional structures to the domestic level. Moreover, in the last few years the specialized literature has become increasingly preoccupied by the development of national patterns of government through the impact of European policies, processes and institutions. The developments and changes in domestic systems—much more visible in the new member states—suggest that the EU has enormous political and institutional influence. In line with this view, the paper examines the different degrees in which Europeanization has become a transforming political process, particularly in two new post-Communist democracies: Slovakia and Romania. More specifically, the interest is to survey the impact and the way in which Europeanization was incorporated in the rationale of party discourse, identity and policies in the Central-Eastern countries in the pre-accession period.   相似文献   

2.
In this paper we address the alleged communication or public sphere deficit of the EU. We develop a systematic approach to the Europeanization of public spheres, which distinguishes three forms of Europeanized political communication: supranational, vertical and horizontal. We propose that the spatial reach and boundaries of public communication can be determined by investigating communicative flows and assessing the relative density of public communication within and between different geopolitical spaces. We apply this model to data on political claim making in seven issue fields in German print media in the year 2000. We find that the degree and forms of Europeanization of political communication vary considerably among policy fields. These differences are strongly linked to the extent and type (supranational or intergovernmental) of competencies of the EU in these fields. Contrary to the hypothesis of a public sphere deficit, the German mass media seem to quite accurately reflect the Europeanization of policy making, at least in those policy fields where a clear‐cut transfer of competencies to the supranational EU level has taken place.  相似文献   

3.
This article uses claims-making analysis to delineate the main features of the political communication of four Attac associations in France, Switzerland, Italy and Spain. As one of the most prominent associations of the alter-globalization movement, Attac illustrates quite well the type of political communication that those social movements develop towards European integration. The empirical analysis suggests that Attac associations mainly address demands towards the European level, using the European Central Bank and the Commission as privileged targets viewed as non-majoritarian institutions far away from citizens' democratic control. It also shows that the nature of the discourse of contestation promoted by Attac associations is essentially related to the European policy-making process but not necessarily to the EU polity in itself. It suggests that, under certain circumstances, alter-globalization movements might be actively involved in a potential process of politicization of European issues at the national level.  相似文献   

4.
The aim of the paper is to identify the cross-national differences and similarities in policy-making trends on science in society (SiS) based on the comparative analysis of national reports from FP7 project “Monitoring Policy and Research Activities Related to Science in Society in Europe”. Science in society in EU is characterized by two parallel processes: Europeanization and diversity of science and innovation policies. The focus of the analysis is to explore the possible indications of Europeanization as well as diversities and find elements of certain elements of core–periphery model. The focus of the analysis is to explore the existence of common issues of SiS and on the other side different policy actions and national priorities. Although the analysis reveals the presence of Europeanization process diversities and divides are still present which draws attention to a core–periphery model. While common trends can be recognized on the theoretical and contextual level mainly coming from the various processes of Europeanization, the core–periphery model is simultaneously present on the practical level of governance and policy-making.  相似文献   

5.
Europeanization of research is a process in which the dynamics of the European Framework Programme, of national research systems and local research organizations interfere. Unlike most studies on Europeanization that focus on Europe in relation to national research systems, this article explores the relationship between Europe and universities. The main question addressed by this article is why some universities have more researchers who are active and successful at the European level than others. Our hypothesis is that participation at EU level depends on the organizational cultural bias of university researchers. Following on studies of changes in the research system, the EU framework and institutional innovations of universities, we argue that researchers within universities who develop strong affinity with their own organization will be more successful at the European level. The organizational culture of a university is conceptualized as the aggregate of cultural repertoires and biases that university researchers have at hand to legitimate themselves. To map these biases, we analysed the perception of different processes of accountability. The hypothesis was tested by calculation of the correlation between these cultural biases and different indicators of 'European behaviour'. Data were from an international questionnaire on institutional innovation and Europeanization at universities, which was circulated in eight European countries.  相似文献   

6.
This article explores how independent literary publishing activities in South Africa during the period 1994–2004 sought to engage in public debate and deliberation, and thereby moved beyond purely literary concerns. It focuses on the publishing activities of five publishers – Dye Hard Press, Botsotso, Timbila, Kotaz and Chimurenga – and draws on a series of interviews with the publishers. The article considers how the publishers understood their publishing activities as acts of public engagement and contestation, and argues that they can usefully be thought of as counterpublics, a characteristic which feels unique to the post‐apartheid period. It argues that public sphere theory offers a way of talking about the divergent characteristics of the publishing activities, which can be considered acts of poetic world making that position themselves in contestation with the post‐apartheid mainstream. However, it suggests that their relationship to the mainstream is at times ambivalent and their independence not always assured. This is particularly felt in the reliance of some of the publishers on state and state‐aligned arts bodies for funding for their survival, but also in other areas such as their difficult relationship with commercial book dealers and the mainstream media. Their proximity to the mainstream in terms of state funding also suggests the need for a theorisation of what we might call ‘embedded counterpublics’ in highly stratified societies such as South Africa.  相似文献   

7.
The idea of a cosmopolitan Europe is defined against a ‘national Europe’, on the one side and on the other, ‘global Europe’ where an internationalist EU-led Europe plays a major role in the world. A cosmopolitan Europe is a more accurate designation of the emerging form of Europeanization as a mediated and emergent reality of the national and the global. It is possible to conceive of European identity as a cosmopolitan identity based on a cultural logic of self-transformation rather than as a supranational identity or an official EU identity that is in a relation of tension with national identities. As a cosmopolitan identity, European identity is a form of post-national self-understanding that expresses itself within, as much as beyond, national identities.  相似文献   

8.
This study examines how, within the context of the expansion of the European Union, various multi‐level factors circumscribe individuals’ national and European identity. Focusing on the differential impact of new opportunities that Europeanization offers to people with different backgrounds, we propose hypotheses regarding the effects of individuals’ geopolitical, ethnic, class, and national historical backgrounds on their national and European identity. Drawing on theories on sociopolitical identities, we hypothesize that minorities are more likely to identify with the European Union, but are less likely to identify with their nation and that more local lower‐level geopolitical attachments can enhance broader higher‐level ones. We also combine these individual‐level arguments with macro‐level theories and examine the impact of country‐level factors such as having a communist past, the duration of EU participation, and the levels of economic development and international integration. We test these hypotheses using ISSP survey data from 15 European countries for the years 1995 and 2003. Overall, the results support our predictions about minorities’ identification patterns and about the reinforcing relationships between local and macro identities in general. Our macro‐level analyses indicate different effects in postcommunist nations than in Western‐democratic states, indicating widespread disillusionment with the European Union in postcommunist countries.  相似文献   

9.
Within debate about prospects for future European unification, ‘integration’ is a fashionable and often confusing word. Depending on context, it may refer to long‐term socio‐economic processes ('convergence'), to processes of political construction, to symbolic processes ('European identity'), or to the quite separate issue of prudential co‐operation between states—or to some uncertain mixture of all four. Yet the concept of integration has a reputable sociological pedigree and remains useful for thinking about the issues raised by Europeanization. Thus, a fresh look at Durkheim's thinking on the possibility of solidarity within complex societies is of direct relevance to the contemporary European case. Of particular importance is the Durkheimian distinction between three complementary dimensions of integration—shared practices, social intercourse (or ‘moral density') and common ‘consciousness'—, and the suggestion that, in the absence of ‘mechanical solidarity’ based on similarity, the latter is both deeply problematic and derivative rather than generative. They shed light on the ambivalence of the process / project of Europeanization and open up a space for specific discussion of collective prudence—originally the essence of Europeanization and which, while in principle separable from it, has tended in practice to become tangled with the integration issue. As the borders of Europe become potentially less stable, disentanglement is of vital importance.  相似文献   

10.
To illuminate the obstacles to the development of a global civil society, the experience of the most developed transnational social movement—the environmental movement—in the most developed supranational political system—the European Union—is considered. National differences are shown to be persistent and there is little evidence of Europeanization. It is argued that the impediments to the development of a global civil society are yet greater and that, despite the advent of antiglobalization protests, global civil society remains an aspiration rather thanan accomplished fact  相似文献   

11.
The university campus has often been seen as an important site for the politicization of young people. Recent explanations for this have focused attention upon the role of the student union as a means to enable a ‘critical mass’ of previously isolated individuals to produce social networks of common interest. What is missing from these accounts, however, and what this article seeks to address, is how these factors actually facilitate the development of political norms and the active engagement of many students. Drawing upon qualitative data from three countries we argue that it is the milieu of the smaller student societies that are crucial for facilitating the habitus of the student citizen. They provide the space for creative development and performance of the political self, affiliations to particular fields and access to cultural and social capital. Moreover, we contend that these processes of politicization are increasingly enacted through social media networks that foreground their importance for developing political habitus in the future.  相似文献   

12.
This paper seeks to analyse the process of Europeanization of social movements mobilizing around the asylum policy since the middle of the 1990s. Taking the example of the principal French associations which have mobilized on this topic, the paper explores the dynamics that lead these associations to increasingly address the European institutions since the launching of the process of harmonisation of asylum policies. In particular, it shows that particular attention shall be given to the relationship between the associations that have constituted at the national level and the set of actors that are mobilized on this issue exclusively at the European level (which is defined as a European advocacy coalition). Through the analysis of this relationship, it can be seen that the French associations follow different processes of Europeanization. Some follow a process of inclusion into the existing European advocacy coalition while others create alternative mobilizations at the European level. This study allows us to observe and to analyse the similarities and differences in the interactions between social movements and institutions in the national political space and in the European political space on this particular issue. In doing so, it seeks to present an original perspective on a process of ‘Europeanization from below’. This research is based on the in-depth analysis of 11 associations which are representative of the diversity of the movement related to the asylum issue in France. It uses different methods that were developed in social movements studies: frame analysis, protest-event analysis and network analysis. It is based on several sources: associative discourses and publications, in-depth interviews, and associative internal literature.  相似文献   

13.
This study triangulated research methods to analyze how the public debate on a controversial issue was framed, and by whom, as a means of understanding the process and outcome of that debate. Its findings support the idea that public debates are framed by all involved parties, not just the news media. It also considered how the relative power position held by each side in this debate may have affected their interactions with the news media.  相似文献   

14.

There has been little sociological research on the processes of exploitation and the politicization of relations of consumption. This study examines the role that family structure plays in the development of a class‐based politicization of consumption relations in a community. I compare communities of the Lake Superior region at the turn of the 20th century that were settled largely by the male immigrants living without families with structurally‐similar communities from the same region and time that were settled larged by married workers and their families. Using local newspapers, corporate reports and federal and state investigations, I compare the level of politicization of consumption relations in family‐settled communities with those settled by male workers. I find some relationship between family settlement patterns and the politicization of consumption in a community, but the relationship is not constant across communities. Family‐based communities do have a greater ability to organize alternatives to corporate‐controlled consumption than do non‐family based communities.  相似文献   

15.
The post‐repressive‐regime South African government has actively convened a public sphere bristling with institutions and policies designed to facilitate public deliberation. However, certain apartheid legacies and contemporary political compromises facilitate the reach of power into the convened public sphere, leading to the corralling of public deliberation and the attempted silencing of critical voices. By the end of the Mbeki presidency, a cacophony of public dissent erupted, some of it insisting on the importance of open public critique and some of it seeking to limit and shape dissent itself. The article discusses ongoing contests over the meaning of publicness, locating the roots of these different ideas of publicness in different political and intellectual traditions, each with different understandings of the deliberative citizen. It suggests that participation in public debate is increasingly confined to the exertion of a narrowly defined notion of national democratic citizenship. Arguing that the formation of counterpublic spheres in South Africa is inhibited, the article considers the role of what it terms ‘capillaries’ of public deliberation, in which various kinds of radical critiques of cultural values, norms, identities and the fragmentation of historical consciousness take place.  相似文献   

16.
This work presents the results of an on-going project that explores the media debate on nanotechnology in the Swedish daily press. Based on the analysis of articles published between 2004 and 2009 in two national and two regional Swedish daily broadsheets, it examines frames and themes used, the general tone of the articles as well as the actors active in the debate. Results of the analysis show that a positive tone dominates the Swedish coverage, which is mostly focused on future applications of nanotechnology. However, in the final stage of the studied period, the Swedish press started focus more on potential risks of nanotechnology as well as regulatory questions.  相似文献   

17.
A central debate within slavery studies centers on the question of whether enslaved Africans ‘retained’ their cultures or became ‘creolized’ in the Americas. Focusing on two enslaved women and the six children they bore by their master in late seventeenth-century Barbados, this paper suggests how creolization operated in the early modern English Caribbean. The women and children were baptized and provided for in their master’s will. Yet they were also part of the plantation’s 180 strong West African enslaved population. Contextualizing all of the influences that shaped their experiences on Barbados, this paper examines naming, baptism, and birthing rituals to provide an account of the women’s lives that does not privilege either European or West African cultural practices. It argues that creolization was not a marker of identity, nor a unidirectional process of Europeanization, but rather a multivalent and multidirectional negotiation of cultural exchanges.  相似文献   

18.
The implementation of Japan's Long-Term Care Insurance Scheme in April 2000 was the culmination of some 30 years of policy deliberation on aged care. Understanding the policy debate surrounding the Long-Term Care Insurance scheme and its financing arrangements requires an appreciation of rapid demographic and social change, especially in family structures and attitudes to caring for aged parents; but the pressures that population aging and economic downturn are placing on Japan's pension and health insurance systems also must be recognized. Even more generally, the delicate balance of political interests in Japan's central governing body, the Diet, has shaped the implementation of Long-Term Care Insurance as a forerunner to other reforms in social security and health insurance.  相似文献   

19.
How to describe work when much of it cannot be observed? This study of the activities of magistrates in a “natural” situation used an ethnological approach to observe cases from registration to hearings. Special difficulties cropped up during one phase: how to observe the deliberation when the judges, after having heard the parties during the contradictory phase of a penal procedure, adjourn and, among themselves, debate the case, weighing the pros and cons, before delivering a decision? The literature usually considers this “duty to hesitate” as an essential phase. But the judges in this survey sat alone on the court. Hesitations and turnarounds might occur; but doubts, inevitably an essential part of their work, arose during a phase of deliberation with oneself that left little empirically observable evidence and did not necessarily leave memories that these judges could easily bring up. How, then, to describe the “duty of hesitation” when it evaporates as we try to observe it in actual fact? This survey's strategy for responding to this situation is presented.  相似文献   

20.
This paper examines the possibility of establishing a public space of deliberation concerning transport policy. It deals with the question of whether it is possible to envisage instances of concertation that deflect conflict. Based mostly on French experience with public inquiries on transport infrastructure, it discusses the relevance and applicability of the sociology of collective action, as well as theories of deliberative democracy. The paper's main argument is that concertation does not occur in a vacuum but is instead structured by power relations. It is, therefore, first and foremost an opportunity to express dissatisfaction and frustration. At the same time, public debate represents—perhaps for the same reason—an opportunity to criticize forms of social domination. It thus may give rise to citizen mobilization rather than help contain it, as is often naively expected by its promoters within the public policy administration. Conflict is thus always the actual subject of public debate.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号