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1.
从阜新市的调查看城市居民对农民工信任缺失问题   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
农民工虽然进城,但是却没有取得城市居民的信任,这就使得农民工很难融入城市,进而影响了社会秩序的稳定和城市化的进程。本文以阜新市为例分析了城市居民对农民工所表现出的信任缺失,又从农民工的社会名声污名化、流动性、社群隔离、城市居民自身处境的忧虑、传统文化的影响五个方面分析了城市居民对农民工信任缺失的原因。最后,从四个方面提出了克服城市居民对农民工信任缺失的措施。  相似文献   

2.
社会信任对农民工的城市融合具有重要意义。本文以皖北D县的8个自然村的调查数据为基础.对农民工的社会信任状况进行分析。研究发现,农民工的社会信任状况不容乐观。在此基础上,本文从社会排斥和信任机制缺失两个方面分析了农民工社会信任危机的生成原因。最后,从农民工自身、组织、制度等方面提出相应措施。  相似文献   

3.
以血缘和亲缘为基础的宗族文化是中国乡土社会的主要文化特征,宗族文化不仅在流出地产生深远影响,还在流入地持续影响着流动人口的行为决策。基于2017年中国流动人口动态监测调查(CMDS2017)数据,使用Probit模型考察宗族文化对流动人口创业的影响。研究结果表明,流出地宗族文化显著提升流动人口创业概率,其通过形成家乡社会网络和构建社会信任模式影响流动人口创业决策。进一步研究发现,宗族文化促进流动人口选择生存型创业,但是会损害机会型创业者的创业效果,城市正式制度可以在一定程度上替代宗族文化的作用。应利用家乡网络社会组织平台,构建超越宗族内部信任的一般信任文化,积极探索建立中国传统文化和正式制度优势互补的作用机制,帮助流动人口进城创业并实现创业效果。  相似文献   

4.
基于2010年全国106个城市的流动人口动态监测数据,对农民工的职业上升及其影响因素进行分析,结果显示,农民工在行业内的职业垂直流动已经成为一种常态,并且可以通过个人努力实现职业地位的上升.初次进城务工时职业为一般劳动者,目前职业为管理或技术人员的农民工比重为7.12%.初次进城务工时无固定职业者实现职业上升的比重最高,其次为商业服务业员工和产业工人.在控制了一些可能影响农民工职业发展的行业因素(比如行业性质、 企业所有制类型)之后,以文化程度、 进城务工时间为标识的人力资本显著地影响了农民工从一般劳动力上升为技术精英或管理精英.这些研究表明,市场经济发展带来了资源分配机制和机会结构的变化,也为农民工群体打开了职业上升通道.  相似文献   

5.
景志铮  郭虹 《西北人口》2007,28(2):33-36
本文以社会排斥理论作为概念工具,对城市新移民的城市社区融入问题进行研究。笔者从新移民和城市居民两个不同的角度收集资料,根据新移民的职业、在城市的居住时间和长期居住意愿选取典型个案。笔者从经济排斥、社会关系排斥和文化排斥三个方面进行分析。认为社会排斥是新移民社区融入的壁垒所在,缓解消除社会排斥,实现社区参与、社会交往的“破冰”,是形成社区内社会关系“互构共变”的基础,是城市新移民真正融入社区的前提。  相似文献   

6.
城市农民工市民化问题研究   总被引:23,自引:0,他引:23  
城市农民工市民化是健康城市化的要求,也是建设社会主义和谐社会的要求。社会资本缺失是农民工市民化进程受阻,进而引发许多社会问题的主要原因。因此,要促进农民工市民化进程就必须增加农民工的社会资本存量。主要对策有:转变城乡分割思想,在全社会确立一种城乡开放、平等、统筹观念;打造促进农民工与城市市民进行互动和交往的文化环境;积极进行制度改革,创建农民工同城市融合的制度平台;建立健全公平、共享的社会保障机制,消除人为差别,增强农民工对城市社会的认同感;加强对农民工就业培训,积极增加农民工的人力资本存量;加强和发挥民间志愿性组织的作用,增强人们的社会参与意识。  相似文献   

7.
基于对河南省新乡市Y社区的个案研究认为,新型城镇化进程中老年人群体发生了社会隔离。这种社会隔离体现在制度、社区、家庭、自我四个维度,集体失语导致制度隔离,社会资本流失和国家在场导致社区隔离,代际关系嬗变导致家庭隔离,身份标签化及自我认同困境导致自我隔离。老年人社会隔离的应对策略为拒绝搬迁和跟儿子走。提出了老年人社会融合的路径:构建老年人利益诉求的制度吸纳机制;重塑社区公共空间,构建老年人社区行政吸纳机制;积极探索农村老年人居家照顾新模式,通过专业社会工作的介入,促进老年人社区融合。  相似文献   

8.
孟颖颖 《西北人口》2011,32(3):11-16,22
结合实地调研与访谈结果,本文发现进城务工的新生代农民工面临着来自经济、政治、文化、教育以及福利等方面的排斥。本文基于社会排斥理论,从两个维度分析了形成这些排斥的原因:一是受人力资本素质、文化与社会认同等自身禀赋约束的功能性排斥,二是受户籍、就业、社会保障等制度影响的结构性排斥。功能性社会排斥与结构性社会排斥的存在直接导致了新生代农民工的城市融合进程受阻,只有拆除这种藩篱才能够促进其尽快实现城市融合。  相似文献   

9.
新生代农民工与城市居民社会距离实证研究   总被引:18,自引:0,他引:18  
本文根据抽样调查的结果,探讨新生代农民工与城市居民社会距离状况及影响因素。本研究发现,新生代农民工还没有完全融入城市居民的生活圈,存在着一定的社会隔离。回归分析结果表明,性别、是否独生子女、城市生活体验、社区参与程度、相对剥夺感对其与城市居民的社会距离感有显著性影响。  相似文献   

10.
中国农民工的"半城市化"。据人社部统计,201 3年全国进城农民工总量达2.69亿人。但2.69亿农民工远没有"城市化",而是"半城市化"。所谓"半城市化",是指农民工虽在城市打工,但却难以在城市长期安居。到了45岁左右,农民工开始感到精力不济,便重新回到农村,重拾农活。一直以来,人们普遍认为,只要政府开放城市户籍,进城农民享受市民待遇,就可以顺利城市化了。显然这种观点是不对的。  相似文献   

11.
Levels of rising political distrust in the USA and parts of Europe attracted political scientists’ attention in the 1990s, and urged them to look at possible consequences of this phenomenon for the functioning of democracies and social life. Approximately during the same period, from a sociological viewpoint, social capital theorists started studying the effects of declining social capital on political and economic life. In this article, we looked at the relationship between political distrust and social capital from an interdisciplinary perspective. We studied the relationship in six European countries from three regions (North-West, South and East), and the USA, and we were interested in the question of whether this relationship varies over the regions, or whether it is approximately the same everywhere. We used ISPP data from the 2004 wave, which included a range of social capital indicators and political distrust items. Social capital was subdivided into four dimensions, namely, networks (membership of organizations), interpersonal or social trust, social norms (citizenship norms), and linking social capital (political activities). First we studied the effect of political distrust on these four dimensions of social capital, while controlling for other variables such as political efficacy, political interest and a set of socio-structural background variables. One of our main findings was that the only significant effect of political distrust we found throughout all countries was a negative effect on one dimension of social capital, namely, interpersonal trust: the more people distrust politicians and people in government, the less they trust other people in general, even when controlled for all other variables. The reverse relationship led us to the same conclusion: the more people tend to trust people in general, the less they distrust politics, a result we found in all countries. This finding refutes the claim that there is no or either only a very weak relationship between political and social trust, as some have strongly argued before. Other important political attitudes connected to social capital were political interest and political efficacy, and for political distrust it was external efficacy. Significant socio-economic factors were religiousness and educational level for membership of voluntary organizations, educational level for interpersonal trust, religiousness for citizenship norms, and educational level and age for political activities. The reciprocal relationship was strongest in the USA and North-Western Europe, as were the explained variances of our (more extensive) regression models. In Southern and Eastern Europe other factors appear to be at work which influence both social capital and political distrust.  相似文献   

12.
Individual’s participation in cultural activities may positively affect health through a pathway mediated by social capital. We examine whether country-level investment in cultural opportunity structures was associated with between-country differences in self-rated health and, if so, whether these associations were mediated by citizens’ confidence in societal institutions, i.e., by institutional trust, regarded as a dimension of social capital. For 24,887 respondents in the European Social Survey, 2006, data on self-rated health, institutional trust (individual-level and country-level), and sociodemographic variables were linked with statistics-based country-level data on 10 indicators of cultural opportunity structures and mediator variables (gross domestic product (GDP), Gini index, and welfare state regime). Over and above the sociodemographics, six cultural indicators contributed to between-country health differences in logistic multilevel regression analysis: the percentage of arts students, the RC index, the percentage of writers and creative artists of total employment, exports of cultural goods, imports of cultural goods, and the number of feature films produced per capita. Controlling, furthermore, for trust, and country-level mediators, only imports of cultural goods contributed to between-country differences in health. No associations with other cultural indicators remained after controlling for GDP or welfare state regime. Institutional trust may partially mediate the significance of cultural investments for self-rated health. However, both cultural investment and trust may be concomitants of general prosperity and welfare policies. Future studies should investigate whether the countries’ welfare policies influence the transformation of cultural investment into institutional trust and which types of indicators best depict associations between investments and health.  相似文献   

13.
BackgroundWomen who were born overseas represent an increasing proportion of women giving birth in the Australian healthcare system.ProblemWomen from migrant and refugee backgrounds have an increased risk of poor pregnancy and birth outcomes, including experiences of care.AimTo understand how women from migrant and refugee backgrounds perceive and experience the continuum of maternity care (pregnancy, birth, postnatal) in Australia.MethodologyWe conducted a qualitative evidence synthesis, searching MEDLINE, CIHAHL, and PsycInfo for studies published from inception to 23/05/2020. We included studies that used qualitative methods for data collection and analysis, that explored migrant/refugee women’s experiences or perceptions of maternity care in Australia. We used a thematic synthesis approach, assessed the methodological limitations of included studies, and used GRADE-CERQual to assess confidence in qualitative review findings.Results27 studies met the inclusion criteria, representing women in Australia from 42 countries. Key themes were developed into 24 findings, including access to interpreters, structural barriers to service utilisation, experiences with health workers, trust in healthcare, experiences of discrimination, preferences for care, and conflicts between traditional cultural expectations and the Australian medical system.ConclusionThis review can help policy makers and organisations who provide care to women from migrant and refugee backgrounds to improve their experiences with maternity care. It highlights factors linked to negative experiences of care as well as factors associated with more positive experiences to identify potential changes to practices and policies that would be well received by this population.  相似文献   

14.
Interest in migrant social networks and social capital has grown substantially over the past several decades. The relationship between “host” and “migrant” communities remains central to these scholarly debates. Recently urbanized cities in Africa, which include large numbers of “native-born” or internal migrants, challenge basic presumptions about host/migrant distinctions informing many of these discussions. Using comparable survey data from Johannesburg, Maputo, and Nairobi, we examine 1) the nature of social connectedness in terms of residence and nativity characteristics; and 2) the relationship between residence and nativity characteristics and three measures of trust within and across communities. Our findings suggest that the host/migrant distinction may not be particularly revealing in African cities where domestic mobility, social fragmentation and the absence of bridging institutions result in relatively low levels of trust both within and across communities. These findings underscore the need for new concepts to study “communities of strangers” and how people strategize their social mobility in urban contexts.  相似文献   

15.
This article presents the findings of an intersectional study on migrant women on German television. Besides content and textual analyses, we conducted focus groups with audiences and interviews with migrant media workers. As the representation of Others was explored through the nodes of production, consumption, and identity, a complicated intersectional practice emerged. We found the televised representations of migrant women to be dominated by (often veiled) women as signifiers of non-integration but also by instances when gendered ethnicity was used as a marketable attribute. The audiences and producers employed various distancing strategies: they criticized specific programs for blatant stereotyping as much as didactic counter-stereotyping while downplaying systemic shortfalls of the coverage. These distancing strategies were intensified by the acceptance of individualized ideologies of success and commodified logics of media production. Ultimately, class appeared as the central demarcating category. On German television a problematic class distinction was articulated through ethnic and gender difference. Female migrants were often “othered” as lower-class. This class discourse absolved middle-class viewers and media workers from engaging in the systemic struggles over female/migrant identities, thus undermining the potential for gender and migrant solidarity and for the dynamic creation of cultural citizenship as a mode of belonging.  相似文献   

16.
《Mobilities》2013,8(6):894-909
ABSTRACT

This article delves into the concept of the ‘mobile commons’ which is articulated within the Autonomy of Migration (AoM) approach. The AoM literature focuses on migrant agency by advocating that migrants practice ‘escape’ and ‘invisibility’. However, drawing on the stories of women migrants from the Northern Triangle of Central American (NTCA) (El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras) travelling through Mexico, this article aims to engender and thereby trouble the concept of the mobile commons by questioning several taken-for-granted assumptions that are based on gender-neutral knowledge and dichotomous ways of thinking. Using women’s experiences to question the assumptions made with respect to ‘migrant knowledge’, I show that the knowledge among women migrants from the NTCA is influenced by gendered power imbalances that place women in subordinate positions. The analysis will first focus on explaining the mobile commons as a theoretical concept. Following this, I discuss how conceptualizing the mobile commons through a feminist perspective challenges the ideas of invisible knowledge and trust often integral to the ways in which the concept of the mobile commons is used. Finally, I outline the survival strategies that migrant women may use given their own knowledge of the migration context in Mexico, and reflect on what this means for the scholarly understanding of the ‘mobile commons’.  相似文献   

17.
雍岚  孙博  张冬敏 《西北人口》2007,28(6):25-28,33
本文从支付意愿与支付能力两个层次,提出西部地区从业农民工社会养老保险需求影响因素的假设,并以西安市农民工实际调查资料为基础,通过logistic模型对假设进行实证分析。结果表明,性别、子女数量、年龄、受教育程度对农民工社会养老保险支付意愿有显著影响;收入水平、支出水平在一定范围内对其支付能力有显著影响。总体上,西部地区从业农民工对社会养老保险的支付意愿与支付能力并不强烈,社会养老保险的有效需求尚未形成。  相似文献   

18.
史晓浩  王毅杰 《南方人口》2010,25(2):32-41,31
与其父辈不同,流动儿童的城市社会交往遵循独特的运作逻辑。从其城市生活的社会情境出发,学校类型、家庭教育与社区结构,都会影响到流动儿童与城市社会的接触机会、交往过程.从而产生不同的交往后果。学校在流动儿童城市社会交往中扮演着格外重要的角色,流动儿童的学校类型不同,其城市社会交往的逻辑迥异。在不同的学校空间,流动儿童建构出了不同的交往文化。公办学校的流动儿童获得了更多与城市儿童及其家长接触的机会,他们与城里人的交往频率也更高,因而更有可能冲破身份制度的藩篱,从结构上实现与城市的社会融合。民工学校流动儿童则正在经历从“文化再生产”到“社会再生产”的过程。  相似文献   

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