吴泽霖先生的苗族研究

吴泽霖先生作为中国社会学、民族学、人类学奠基与发展时期的重要学者,一生所研究涉及领域较多,成果卓著,特别以苗族的研究成果最为显著。从吴泽霖教授所撰写发表的苗族研究论著、调查报告中看出,既有综合性研究,也有专题性研究,还特别关注婚姻、家庭、服饰及其它礼俗方面。从吴泽霖先生的学术研究生命历程和研究成果看,对民族学、人类学的研究,集中在如下几个方面进行了理论方法的探索：倡导民族平等,服务社会的理论探索;对婚姻家庭的理论研究;源自苗族研究的“小集体的认同”族群理论;基于苗族服饰等研究开始的民族文物与博物馆理论及实践。综观吴泽霖先生对西南少数民族的研究,既是一个将在海外学习掌握的人类学理论方法应用于中国研究实践的过程,也是基于一个族群或一个区域的具体实践为起点,逐渐形成工作模式,推而广之触及更多族群、更广区域的研究,最后获得具有学科普同性意义的理论观点的过程。     

抗战时期吴泽霖教授在云南开展的民族田野调查研究

抗日战争时期,吴泽霖教授在西南联大任教期间,多次深入到云南边疆少数民族地区进行田野调查研究.他对么些人(今纳西族人)的研究十分深入.通过田野调查研究和筹建丽江地区边胞服务站并指导该站工作,他形成了较为科学的边政学理论.     

基于文献计量的贵州少数民族童谣搜集整理与研究现状分析

运用文献计量分析法对20世纪以来贵州少数民族童谣搜集整理与研究现状进行初步梳理评析,可以看出,民间文艺学和民俗学界在这方面的工作取得了一定的成绩,同时也存在诸多问题和不足;面对少数民族童谣濒临消亡的严峻形势,运用新的学术理念和方法对其进行抢救性搜集整理与研究,业已成为摆在我们面前的一项迫在眉睫的重要学术任务。     

论吴泽霖的学术精神及其意义

本文通过回顾吴泽霖的学术生涯,总结了其学术精神的内容和表现:勤奋好学、勇于实践;为人师表、自然宽和;学术践行、笔耕不辍,同时阐述了这种精神的重要意义。     

抗战时期吴泽霖教授对云南丽江么些人的田野调查研究

抗战时期,吴泽霖教授在西南联合大学任教期间,亲自到云南丽江对么些人(今称纳西人)进行深入的田野调查研究,取得了丰硕的研究成果。     

儒学在贵州少数民族地区的传播影响

儒学自两汉始在贵州少数民族地区有了初步的传入影响,并随着历史的演进而渐进增强。汉代中央王朝对西南夷的开发,孕育出主动习儒传儒、开发民智的“汉三贤”。明代贵州建省,统治者大力兴教,加之贬谪贵州的儒士王阳明创办书院讲学,当地少数民族上层积极靠拢儒学,大大促进了儒学在贵州的传播。清朝雍、乾改土归流后,书院、义学的繁盛,使儒学在贵州少数民族地区的传播影响更趋广泛、深入,以伦理为本的儒学文化逐渐被少数民族普遍认同、吸收、融汇,促进了各民族共有精神家园建设。     

贵州少数民族传统文化德育性内容探究

贵州是多民族聚集之地,有49个少数民族世居在这片土地上,侗族、苗族、仡佬族、布依族、水族等少数民族在此男耕女织、薪火相传,用他们的智慧创造了厚重多姿又弥足珍贵的物质和非物质文化遗产.这些少数民族物质和非物质文化遗产中又蕴涵着丰富的德育资源.本文试图从少数民族文化中的英雄史诗、节日文化、民族信仰、革命历史、谚语俗语等几个方面挖掘出丰富的德育性内容,以便丰富我国国民教育中的德育内容和方式,并提高德育的有效性,为构建和谐社会提供思想道德力量.     

田野调查方法在少数民族艺术史研究中的实践

这些年,田野调查研究方法被广泛引入少数民族艺术的研究中,尤其是少数民族艺术史的研究,取得了一定的成就。本文指出了艺术史传统研究在方向和方法上的不足,探讨田野工作方法在少数民族艺术史研究中的优势,并就如何在少数民族艺术史研究中,具体应用文化人类学的田野调查方法,提出一些建议和看法。     

当代少数民族大学生宗教信仰状况与思考--西北民族学院大学生宗教信仰调查

本文作者通过发放问卷、抽样调查、统计分析、理论探索等手法，对当代少数民族大学生的宗教信仰状况以及他们对宗教信仰的认识，参加宗教活动的情况，获取宗教知识的途径，对宗教政策和宗教现状的评价，所关心的宗教问题，对宗教与邪教、宗教与迷信的区别以及对待宗教与科学之间的关系等方面进行了较为深入的调查研究，由此总结出少数民族大学生宗教信仰的自身特点，并提出了存在的问题及解决的思路与方法。     

贵州喀斯特墓葬与民族地区的殡葬改革

Funeral and interment reform is a social revolution of changing customs and tradi-tions, which is conducive to promoting the con-struction of the socialist material, spiritual and ec-ological civilization. The replacement of burial with cremation is the direction of China’s reform on fu-neral and interment traditions. The reform itself is put forward by aiming at the disadvantages of the Han people’s traditional burial custom, however, Guizhou is a typical karst region in China, in which several forms of karst burial have existed throughout history, such as cliff coffins, cave tombs, and sarcophagi, and these customs have been continued to some certain degree up to now. Therefore, how to manage the relation between cre-mation and karst burials has a significant meaning to the respect of the ethnic minorities’ customs and promoting the funeral and interment reform in eth-nic regions. The Binzang guanli tiaoli ( Funeral and inter-ment management regulations) issued by the State Council in 1997 stipulates that “ the objective of the funeral and interment management is to carry out cremation, reform burial, save the interment land, abolish undesirable customs related to the fu-nerals and interment actively and methodically, and advocate civilized and thrifty funerary prac-tices”. That is to say, the original intentions for promoting cremation in the funeral and interment reform for many years include the advocating of thrifty funerals, reducing the burden of funerals on the masses, changing the people’s concept of luxu-rious burials, and saving the cost of funeral in the aspect of economy;banishing superstitions, getting rid of bad habits, and opposing the feudal dross in the aspect of culture; and saving resources and protecting limited cultivated land in the aspect of ecology. In general, the abolition of burial and im-plementation of cremation has become the reform direction of China’s funeral and interment system. Guizhou is a typical karst area in China. There are various forms of cliff-burying, rock tombs, sarcophagi, and cave tombs etc. , especial-ly the cave-burial which is still popular among the Waishu Miao at Taohua village in Qibo township, Pingba County and among the Qing Yao at Yaolu village in Libo County, and sarcophagus burial which is still popular among the Li clan of the Waishu Miao at Xinyi village in Guangzhao town-ship, Qinglong County. These structures reflect the karst characteris-tics of Guizhou tombs, and have an important eco-logical value. The funeral and interment reform is put forward by aiming at the drawbacks of the tra-ditional burial practices of the Han, so if the cliff burial or sarcophagus tombs which have ecological value had been forced to be replaced with crema-tion in the funeral and interment reform, it will lead to an embarrassing situation which is contrary to the original intention of the reform no matter if we consider it from cultural, economic or ecologi-cal viewpoints. Firstly, it will cause a dilemma at the cultural level. We must consider the characteristics of the funeral customs of the ethnic groups during the process of reforming the funeral and interment cus-toms in the ethnic minority areas, in other words, respect the funeral customs of ethnic minorities, as it is an important content of the CCP and the state’s policy for respecting the customs and habits of eth-nic minorities. Due to the differences in geograph-ical environment and social economy, the ethnic minorities have different funeral customs with their own characteristics. These funeral customs, as a part of ethnic culture, help to construct a ritual with a kind of ethnic identity;it is the mark of na-tional culture, which embodies ethnic emotions and maintains ethnic consciousness. The ‘univer-sal application’ in the funeral and interment sys-tem reform doubtlessly make the disappearance of karst characteristics in Guizhou’s burial culture, the diversified burial way has been replaced with single cremation, and that is not good for the pro-tection of cultural diversity. Secondly, it will cause an economic dilemma. One of the purposes of the funeral and intermentre-form is to save funeral costs, and change the con-cept of organizing luxury funerals. The traditional burial custom contains a set of complex funeral cer-emony, which is organized in a very luxurious way, spend a lot of money and increase the people’s economic burden. In contrast, cremation can save costs. However in today’s rural areas, af-ter cremation, the ashes are still buried after being put into a coffin, so it not only increases the eco-nomic burden of the people, but also does not meet the purpose for farmland conservation, hence, it is contrary to the original intention of the funeral re-form, and also causes dissatisfaction among the people. Therefore, compared with cremation, sar-cophagus and cave burial which are still popular in Guizhou are actually a more economic practice. Thirdly,it causes an ecological dilemma. The purpose of funeral reform is to save resources and protect the limited farmland. The traditional burial practice uses coffins and pile graves, which wastes wood, occupies farmland, and also pollutes the en-vironment. Therefore, the environmental protection is the premise and ultimate goal of the funeral and interment reform. Cave burial in Guizhou uses the natural caves, and does not occupy farmland; sar-cophagus burial does not use wooden coffins, so both of them belong to ecological burial practices. However, the implementation of cremation in the areas which used to conduct cave or sarcophagus-burials has created an embarrassing situation. Cave burial and sarcophagus tombs in Guizhou karst areas contain rich ecological ideas, which not only have positive social and practical significance for the protection of the ecological en-vironment of the area, but also have an important reference meaning for the promotion of “ecological funeral” or green funeral in China. Different ethnic groups and different areas have different forms of funeral customs, which have their own justifications. Therefore, the Fu-neral and Interment reform should adapt to local conditions, and take into the consideration the characteristics of the karst region in the case of Guizhou, and fully draw on the rational factors of ethnic burial. The present funeral and interment reform can take reference from the following three aspects from the ethnic burial culture of Guizhou:The first is to delimit some appropriate burial zones and maintain properly some burial customs which has ecological value. We advocate various forms of burial in these specific burial zones, for instances, tree burial of the Basha Miao in Con-gjiang country, deep burial of the Chang-clan Yao in Libo county, and sarcophagus tombs of Li-clan Waishu Miao in Qinglong County. These forms of burial with ecological protection value not only play an exemplary role for the ecological protection in ethnic regions, but also will help for the ethnic cultural inheritance. The second is to make full use of the natural characteristics of the karst area, and properly en-courage cave burial which does not take up the cul-tivated land. In this way, not only can the cave burial custom of the Yao in Libo and the Washu Miao in Pingba be kept, but also the cliff burial custom which does not take up the cultivated land could be encouraged among the residents in the karst region. This kind of cliff burial not only re-duces the waste of cultivated land, but also re-stricts the superstitious activities in the funeral. The karst area in Guizhou is very extensive, so it has a unique advantage in conducting cave burial. The funeral and interment reform can take the local conditions into consideration, and play up the ad-vantages of natural environment. Instead of empha-sizing cremation blindly, we should take the cave burial into practice. The third is to convert karst caves into ceme-tery for placing ashes so as to change the tradition-al way of building a cemetery on the hill for placing ashes in the cremation areas. In the karst area, if an area is delimited as a cremation zone, then the burial of body or burial of bone ash coffin should be prohibited. Generally, ashes should be deposi-ted in sepulchral chapels or buried in cemeteries. Although most cemeteries are built on barren hills or land, they still occupy land and waste land re-sources. The use of cement and stone materials creates white pollution. Meanwhile, the construc-tion of cemeteries destroys the mountain and causes soil erosion. Therefore, the cemetery is not the di-rection of the funeral and interment reform in the long run, and also does not meet the original inten-tion of the reform.     

贵州六盘水少数民族民俗文化的基本特征和历史地位

贵州六盘水是一个多民族杂居的地区,各民族在漫长的历史发展进程中都创造了源远流长、独具特色、多姿多采的民俗文化,体现在其衣食住行、文化艺术、民族节日、伦理观念等诸方面;在长期的文化演进过程中,各民族民俗文化呈现出悠久性与多元性、独特性与交融性、稳定性与变异性等基本特征,形成了六盘水多元的地方文化体系,为繁荣六盘水文化作出了巨大贡献.     

少数民族电影研究述评

文化批评学、文化美学、政治民族学和影视人类学这四种学科方法是少数民族电影研究几个比较重要的研究取向;少数民族电影本体研究主要集中在概念界定、文化性格、文化视点、文化冲突、社会功能以及与民族文化的关系上;界定核心概念和建构理论框架是少数民族电影研究的当务之急;把握少数民族电影的文化本质,系统理性地建构其学科理论体系,是少数民族电影研究应该坚持的发展方向.     

生计资源配置与生态环境保护——以贵州黎平黄岗侗族社区为例

长期以来,贵州黎平黄岗侗族社区一直保持着持续稳定发展,呈现出文化与生态环境的有机耦合。其生计资源配置中的特殊举措及文化策略,对当地生态环境的保护有着重要意义。真正的生态保护在于,选用最适用的文化对特定生态系统施加影响,为人类的可持续发展服务。     

西北少数民族妇女研究的特殊性及经验反思

本文在对西北少数民族妇女研究的难点、特殊性及经验进行阐述的基础上,对少数民族妇女的研究对象及方法进行了探讨和分析;并以参与式发展理论为基础提出了改善民族妇女生活状况的具体建议。     

我国少数民族优惠性差别待遇与反向歧视分析

国家或政府最积极的作为,就是应该对少数民族实施特殊保护的政策,力求避免或消除各民族之间事实上的不平等。政府有关部门可以通过制度设计、法制供给和政策支持等对少数民族和民族地区实行优惠性差别待遇,以便更好地促进民族地区社会政治、经济、文化等各项事业的发展,相反并没有导致所谓的反向歧视。随着社会发展和形势变化,对少数民族实施的优惠性差别待遇应该在坚持的前提下适时不断调整和创新。     

现代学术视野下的彝族研究

选择现代彝族研究的起点、转型、现代彝族研究与现代学术的渊源关系等问题,在较为广阔的现代学术背景下,透视彝族研究的发展和演变,强调的是尽管人们对这门学术研究的重视程度以及研究水平与其学术价值远不相称,尤其是过去关于彝族研究的历史叙述,在其叙事深处或隐或显地潜藏着某种意识形态结构,一直受宏大学术史叙述背景的影响,但现代彝族研究丰富复杂的学术蕴藏决定了它非同一般的学术价值,这也是我们要对其学术史进行梳理的主要目的和意义.     

日本的土族语言文化研究

本文综述了日本学术界对我国甘青地区土族语言文化的研究情况。他们主要研究了土族语言的不同方言,土族格赛尔及其词汇,正字法;土族语言能够维持的社会原因;民间故事类型,民族服饰等。     

民族院校教学管理探讨

民族院校作为我国高等教育体系中独具特色的组成部分,其教学管理工作对民族院校的发展具有举足轻重的作用.要把民族院校办成人民满意的高校,为民族地区培养更多的合格接班人和建设者,就必须以科学发展观和党的新时期教育方针为指导,遵循高等教育和民族教育发展规律,切实提高教学管理水平,促进教学质量的稳步提高.