Women of Color in State Legislatures: Gender,Race, Ethnicity and Legislative Office Holding

SUMMARY

This article investigates the puzzle of women of color's proportionately higher percentage of office holding in state legislatures compared to white women legislators by testing the predictive capacity of variables commonly used to explain percentages of women at the state level. Using an original dataset that includes characteristics for all 50 U.S. states, the results suggest that standard indicators of women's office holding do not work equally well for all groups of women. The study demonstrates that race and ethnicity do make a difference in regards to women's office holding at the state level when the racial and ethnic characteristics of female legislators are considered.     

Gender and Managerial/ Leadership Styles:

This study of Arizona high-level state government administrators describes substantial current variations in male and female behavioral styles of management and leadership. In addition to assessing differences in how men and women deal with power, handle subordinates, and interrelate, the findings also highlight the difficulty associated with women's adoption of a male model of behavior. The lack of repitition of the same patterns among mid-level civil servants suggests an interaction between societal sex roles, organizational contexts, and behavioral characteristics in producing variations in overall styles of management and leadership.     

Speaking Out

Abstract

This study demonstrates that Republican female House members invoke women in their public statements at the same frequency as their Democratic counterparts. Despite this congruency, the specific issues that female partisan legislators emphasize when they invoke women in their statements are quite different. Republican women discuss how tax, business, and pension laws affect working women while Democratic female representatives concern themselves with laudatory tributes and funding for welfare state programs. In addition to controlling for party, the explanatory variable of race is also introduced to explain variation in emphasis, particularly regarding the issue of abortion. Congressional Recordentries contributed by the female members of the 105th Congress in 1997 serve as the data for this analysis.     

Party Elites and Women Candidates

ABSTRACT

Using a four state survey of party county chairs and locally elected women, this study finds support for the notion that potential women candidates are subject to bias in recruitment that hinders the cause of electing more women to state legislatures and Congress. It is hypothesized that bias is most likely due to one of two processes: one, the outgroup effect where negative evaluations of women as candidates are predicated on their lack of surface similarity to the predominantly male party elite, or two, the distribution effect where negative evaluations of women as candidates are predicated on the relative paucity of women in high status positions generally and politics specifically. Strong support was found for the outgroup effect, as party chairs consistently preferred candidates more like themselves. Given the ubiquity of men in the party elite, such outgroup biased attitudes represent a significant hurdle for prospective women candidates.     

Electorally Threatening Women? Understanding Gender Quotas in the French Socialist Party

ABSTRACT

Almost three decades ago, the French Socialist Party (PS) adopted a quota for women in the party leadership and for female candidates, and in the ensuing 25 years, the quota was increased and implemented at various times. The history of the PS' s gender-based quota raises the following questions: Why do party leaders adopt gender quotas at one time, increase quotas at another, and implement them in some elections, but not in others? In other words, how can we account for the decisions of political actors? This work seeks to answer these questions by examining the demands and actions of PS feminists. It shows that party women demanded gender quotas and frequently backed up their demands with ideational and electoral arguments that often appealed to male party officials. However, the success of these proposals did not depend on the ability of Socialist women to make convincing arguments; rather it depended on the presence of male party officials who had electoral incentives to support them. This work thus underscores the importance of taking party officials' electoral incentives into consideration when analyzing women's political representation.     

Filipino workers in the Middle East: social profile and policy implications

The characteristics of international labor migrants from the Philippines are examined. "Based on an analysis of a sample of 495 Middle East workers and 1983 worker placements, this paper presents a profile of Filipino workers in the Middle East with reference to such variables as occupation, gender, age and work experience, civil status, education, Philippine residence, household size and number of dependents." (summary in FRE, SPA)     

Sexual function and the menopausal woman: The importance of age and partner's sexual functioning

The aim of this study was to investigate age, menopausal status, and the male partner's sexual function on the sexual function of the menopausal woman. Sexual functioning of 304 women (120 premenopausal, 76 perimenopausal, 108 post‐menopausal) aged between 35 and 65 years from a community sample was investigated. Multiple regression analyses found that sexual satisfaction within the relationship was better predicted by age group than by menopausal status. Younger women were more likely to be satisfied with their sexual relationship than older women. Age group was also a better predictor than menopausal status of current frequency of intercourse, with younger women being likely to have more frequent intercourse than older women. Whether a female respondent had experienced a sexual dysfunction was better predicted by menopausal status than by age. Women who were menopausal were more likely to report a sexual problem such as lack of sexual interest, poor lubrication, and failure to have an orgasm. However, age group appeared to be a better predictor of whether the male partner had experienced a sexual dysfunction. Older men were more likely to have experienced failure to have an erection, for example. The findings of this study indicate that age and the sexual function of the partner are important factors to take into consideration when investigating the sexual function of the menopausal woman.     

Battling “Unhealthy Relations”: Soviet Youth Sexuality as a Political Problem

This paper explores the way Soviet party and education officials dealt with female youth sexuality, in an effort to get it under control in order to ensure that Soviet girls grew up to be productive members of Soviet society. Many of the policies enacted by the regime reflected profound social conservatism of the majority of the top political leadership of the country and their great fear of youth, and particularly female, sexuality, as a force that could not be overcome, controlled or fully harnessed for the service of the state.     

Women and mass media: a critical and analytical study of the portrayal of Sudanese women in printed media

This study examines how Sudanese women are portrayed in the mass media. Data are obtained from a content analysis of historical records of Sudanese daily newspapers and women's magazines and from surveys among female editors in print media. The following types of newspapers are reviewed: independent newspapers; papers for the Al-Umma Party, a communist party, a Bathist party, a Muslim Nationalist Islamic Front Party, and a National Union Democratic Party; and a current military government paper. Women's magazines are published by women. Articles focus on women as the main newsmakers, women's life issues, female authors, a female focus but a male author, and famous Sudanese women. 16 content themes are identified. Women were not extensively featured or photographed in either newspapers or magazines. The Al-Umma Party paper and Al-Sudan Al-Hadith paper (an independent paper) were the only two newspapers with at least 10 photos of women. Women were pictured as professionals, educated persons, and leaders. There were 17 female editors. These editors preferred an image of women as leaders, followed by productive workers. Only 11.76% believed that women's dual roles as producers and reproducers should be portrayed. Female editors did not want a special women's page. 52.94% (the largest percentage) preferred targeting women with substantial leadership abilities. 17.65% desired the portrayal of women as workers and housewives. 58.82% did not think that the mass media image changed behavior or attitudes, because most Sudanese women are illiterate. Women's issues in both newspapers and women's magazines were devoted to women's work, achievements, and needs. The authors recommend removal of obstacles to women's equal participation in the mass media and press and research on the effect of media images on women's self-perception and behavior.     

Where Do Female Conservatives Stand? A Cross-National Analysis of the Issue Positions and Ideological Placement of Female Right-Wing Candidates

ABSTRACT

Many right-wing parties have attempted to increase their share of female representatives to appeal to women in the electorate. Underlying this is the assumption that women will offer a distinct perspective to the party. Using a comparative dataset of male and female candidates of Conservative and Christian Democratic parties across 21 European and Anglo-Saxon countries, we show this is the case. Female candidates in right-wing parties are less right wing than male candidates, both in terms of their overall ideology and their issue positioning. Perhaps as a consequence, female candidates perceive a greater distance to their own party than male candidates.     

Do Differences Matter?

Abstract

Have women members of Congress made a difference? A handful of studies have answered this “so what” question by looking for differences between male and female legislators. We build on previous research and propose an additional way of answering this question. If women members are making a difference, then they should be changing how men behave in Congress. Specifically, if women members are making a difference, then they should be changing how their male colleagues debate the issues. We content-analyze each House floor debate on the Hyde Amendment to see if women are changing how men debate the abortion issue. We find that men and women frame the abortion debate differently, and we find some evidence that women members of Congress have shifted the debate over time to focus less on the morality of abortion and more on the health of the pregnant women. We hope our research stimulates further work that not only looks for differences between men and women legislators, but also looks to see if the differences cause legislatures to change the way they do business.     

Conduct Problems in Adopted and Non-Adopted Adolescents and Adoption Satisfaction as a Protective Factor

The present study compared the level of conduct problems at age 17 in a large nonclinical sample of adopted participants placed in infancy and children in non-adoptive families matched to the adoptive families on demographic characteristics. Higher levels of adolescent and parent adoption satisfaction were associated with lower levels of conduct problems. Gender by adoption status interactions were not significant. However, female adopted participants had higher levels of conduct problems than female non-adopted participants, whereas male adopted and non-adopted participants had similar levels of conduct problems. In the overall sample, differences between adopted and matched control participants on all conduct problem measures were nonsignificant.     

Conduct Problems in Adopted and Non-adopted Adolescents and Adoption Satisfaction as a Protective Factor

The present study compared the level of conduct problems at age 17 in a large, non-clinical sample of adopted participants placed in infancy and children in non-adoptive families matched to the adoptive families on demographic characteristics. Higher levels of adolescent and parent adoption satisfaction were associated with lower levels of conduct problems. Gender by adoption status interactions were not significant. However, female adopted participants had higher levels of conduct problems than female non-adopted participants, whereas male adopted and non-adopted participants had similar levels of conduct problems. In the overall sample, differences between adopted and matched control participants on all conduct problem measures were nonsignificant.     

Male-Female Power Differences at Work: A Comparison of Supervisors and Policymakers*

This study estimates differences in access to power positions and the degree to which supervisors and policymakers exercise work power among women and men. The relative importance of sex and other relevant characteristics in determining the acquisition of supervisor and policymaker positions is assessed. Furthermore, the attainment of supervisory authority and strategic power of male and female supervisors and policymakers is analyzed. The results of logistic regression analyses suggest that regardless of other characteristics men have significantly more access to supervisor and policymaker positions than women. Nevertheless, ordinary least squares regression analyses demonstrate that once individuals are in supervisory or policy-making positions, sex is not an important determinant of the degree of work power. Additional results indicate that occupational status (evaluated by Duncan's Socio-Economic Index) but not sex segregation by occupation affects the acquisition of work power.     

Sexual behavior in female transsexuals and lesbians

This study was designed to look at the role sexual arousal and behavior play in confirming or resolving gender identity confusion, and at how female‐to‐male transsexuals (FTs) and lesbians (Ls) differ in this area. Detailed interview data on sexual behavior from a clinical sample of 15 FTs compared to a matched research sample of 15 Ls are presented. The mean age for the FTs group was 21 years, 10 months and 23 years, 8 months for the Ls group. The two groups were matched by age, educational background and parental socioeconomic status. The results indicated that the majority of women in both groups had had sexual experience with men as well as women. All clearly preferred women as partners, but the FTs fantasized being men in encounters with women, while the Ls were completely identified women. The Ls sample tended to go through a heterosexual phase before they had their first relationship with another woman, which was typically not until approximately age 20. However, the FTs tended to have their first sexual relationship with a woman in early or middle adolescence. The two groups also differed in various aspects of sexual arousal and behavior, with Ls reporting a higher frequency of orgasms and being more at ease in engaging in intense and satisfactory sexual relations.

The primary value of this study has to be seen as hypothesis rendering. The conclusions are tentative because of the limited sample size. The data add to our knowledge on aspects of female sexuality in general, and the reported differences between the two groups will assist in formulating a differential diagnosis between FTs and Ls in clinical practice.     

Male Juveniles with Sexual Behavior Problems: Are There Differences Among Racial Groups?

This study used archival data on a sample of 186,492 referrals from a southwestern state Juvenile Probation Commission to compare the characteristics of 5,439 male Black, Hispanic, and White juveniles with sexual behavior problems on the five most common sexual offenses in the data set. The characteristics of 181,053 juveniles of the three races without sexual behavior problems were also compared on the basis of the seven most common nonsexual offenses. The bases of comparison were the seven variables: reported incidence of sexual offenses, the primary caregivers or living arrangements, age, suspected sexual abuse, suspected emotional abuse, suspected physical abuse, and special education status, on which racial differences were found. Prevention and treatment implications of findings are discussed.     

The Effect of Daughters on Partisanship and Social Attitudes Toward Women

Washington ( 2008 ) finds that daughters promote liberal voting (at least with respect to women's issues) among U.S. Congress members and attributes this finding to socialization. However, daughters’ influence could manifest differently for elite politicians and the general citizenry either due to self‐selection or the Trivers‐Willard hypothesis, which suggests that parents invest differently in male and female children depending on their social status. Using nationally representative data from the General Social Survey, this study asks whether biological daughters affect political party identification, traditional views of women, or opinions about abortion and teen sex. We find that female offspring promote identification with the more conservative Republican Party, but this effect depends on social status. There is no evidence that daughters promote liberal views of women and less consistent evidence that they influence views of abortion or teen sex. Overall, evidence supports the Trivers‐Willard hypothesis, but with a more complex interaction by social status.     

Sex Role Orientation and Structural Correlates*

This paper examines female and male sex role orientation, with emphasis on the structural correlates of sex role attitudes. Based on a random sample of college students, the data on roles of both sexes along four dimensions of sex role orientation reveal that women more than men are nontraditional in sex role ideologies. Structural characteristics such as socio-economic status of parents, demographic and family composition predict more of the variation in the sex role orientation of men than of women. For women, the processes through which attitudes emerge may be related to exposure to nontraditional standards and values rather than related to the effect of their structural characteristics while men are influenced by structural characteristics. These data suggest a role sharing model for women, where opportunities and responsibilities between the sexes are shared, but for men, the data support a degree of sex role differentiation.     

Mapping Right-Wing Women’s Policy Priorities in Latin America

ABSTRACT

Do right-wing women hold unique policy priorities from that of left-wing women and right-wing men? And do right-wing women legislators represent the priorities of right-wing citizens? Right-wing women share unique gendered socialization experiences with left-wing women, but their ideology informs values and attitudes critical to policy preference formation. Political representation theories suggest that women legislators should hold distinct incentives to represent female constituents. However, institutional theories suggest right-wing women legislators may face different incentives that limit the extent to which they represent right-wing female constituents. To evaluate our expectations, we leverage survey data from the Latin American Public Opinion Project and the Parliamentary Elites of Latin America. We demonstrate how right-wing women citizens differ from left-wing women citizens across a range of policy priorities. Then, we evaluate elite priorities for these same policy issues. We find little evidence for policy priority congruency between women citizens and women legislators on the right.