How has the relationship between parental education and child outcomes changed in Australia since the 1980s?

This paper examines how the relationship between parents' educational achievement (a marker of their socio‐economic status) and children's early developmental outcomes has evolved in Australia since the early 1980s. The specific focus of this paper is whether the gradient in children's early developmental outcomes by parents' education has changed since the 1980s. A comparative analysis of two surveys is undertaken that follows Australian cohorts of children through their early years – the Australian Temperament Project (following children born in Victoria in the early 1980s) and the Longitudinal Study of Australian Children (following a representative sample of children born in Australia in 1999). The analysis shows that the relationship between parental education and children's early developmental outcomes does not in general appear to have changed greatly over the years. The gradient associated with behaviour difficulties, persistence in behaviour difficulties over time, and in reading skills has either remained the same or strengthened somewhat, while the gradient associated with social skills has weakened. The paper concludes with a discussion of issues that might explain these trends.     

Political trust,young people and institutions in Europe. A multilevel analysis

The constant decline of political trust has been shown in political sociology. Young people in particular seem to display lower levels of political trust, which is a challenge for the sustainability of democracy. Still, these levels of political trust among youth differ greatly from one country to another. This article therefore seeks to answer the following question: How can we account for cross‐national diversity with regard to young people’s political trust? To answer this question, I performed multilevel analyses based on data from the European Social Survey. I show in the article that cross‐national diversity stems from the institutional arrangements that structure entry into adulthood, i.e., what I call ‘youth welfare citizenship regimes’: The more inclusive is the youth economic citizenship and the more individualised is their social citizenship, the higher is young people’s political trust – which could buffer the decline in political trust.     

对宗教组织之信任的探索性研究——以上海数据为例

本文利用上海市的调查数据,从宗教归属、人口学变量、社会经济地位因素、社会信任、社会参与和其他机构信任等方面对宗教组织信任进行分析,了解人们对宗教组织信任的现状及影响因素,并对相关的研究进行回应。结果显示,与对其它机构的信任相比,民众对宗教组织的信任处于一个较低水平;宗教归属、社会信任、组织参与和对世俗机构的信任对宗教组织信任的影响最大;阶层、社会参与也有一定的影响;性别、年龄、受教育程度和政治面貌等无影响。     

Trust and confidence: possibilities for social work in 'high modernity'

Summary Those who argue that social work has become 'postmodern' alsosuggest that the demise of foundational knowledge must introduceuncertainty and ambiguity into social worker-service user interactions.Furthermore, if the basis for probability calculations is fatallyflawed, then a dependence on risk assessment and risk managementcan no longer be tenable. Under these conditions Parton (1998)suggests that social work must re-discover trust between Government,managers and social workers and between social workers and serviceusers. In this paper I argue that Parton's analysis of trustis radically incomplete and that a more detailed understandingof the relationship between trust and confidence indicates thevery limited possibilities for trust to re-emerge or to surviveunder current conditions. While I attempt to persuade the readerthat trust is necessary for social work, it is evident thatGovernment prefers confidence to trust. This means that trustcan only be practised at the margins of social work, where itis relatively invisible and does not pose a threat to the pre-eminentconcern with confidence.     

Social risk assessment and social capital: A significant parameter for the formation of climate change policies

Public policy issues arising from climate change projections are becoming increasingly important in terms of the range and the scope of their effects. In order to effectively confront them it is important to address social, environmental and economic aspects as fully as possible in decision-making processes. In this context, social risk assessment techniques have begun to be applied to explore citizens’ risk perceptions of climate change projections. The present study aims to contribute to this area by examining the influence of four social capital parameters (social trust, institutional trust, social norms and social networks) on public risk perceptions of climate change. An empirical study was conducted for this purpose in Greece's fourth largest city, Heraklion. Results demonstrate that social capital is a significant explanatory parameter for citizens’ risk perceptions. Specifically, individuals with lower levels of social capital tend to perceive higher risks from climate change impacts. The most important parameter explaining this result is the low level of institutional trust, revealing that Heraklion's citizens do not believe that existing public institutions will be able to effectively manage projected climate change impacts.     

Focusing the mediating role of institutional trust: How does interpersonal trust promote organizational commitment?

Numerous organization scholars point out that trust is crucial for well-functioning organizations. However, trust in organizational settings could differ according to the objects of trust. This study compares two conceptually different models: main-effect model and mediation-effect model. The main-effect model assumes that both interpersonal trust and institutional trust promote organizational commitment independently, but the mediation-effect model assumes that institutional trust is cultivated by interpersonal trust and increases organizational commitment. The results of structural equation modeling (SEM) show that the mediation-effect model fits better than the main-effect model and that the structural coefficients of the mediation-effect model are neatly interpreted by social scientific studies of trust. This study's findings have two important implications: First, there seems to be sequential order between different types of trust in organizational settings. Second, interpersonal trust promotes organizational commitment only if it facilitates institutional trust, providing an explanation for the inconsistent findings of previous studies.     

一般信任模式的跨部门差异及其中介机制: 基于2010年中国综合社会调查的研究

本文基于“市场”与“国家再分配”两种不同制度环境的讨论，利用中国综合社会调查2010年的数据，运用倾向值匹配方法处理潜在的选择性误差，考察了不同部门中个体的一般信任水平。结果显示，相比私有部门（外资企业和私营企业），在公共部门中工作的个体呈现了更高的一般信任水平。进一步的分析表明，政治参与水平和相对剥夺感作为中介于工作部门与一般信任水平之间的解释机制是显著的，在公共部门中工作的个体不仅在态度上对内在政治效能感有更高的认定，而且也能积极参与居委会社区的选举。这些特征极大提升了他们的一般信任水平。此外，公共部门中的个体在社会地位与经济地位上所持有的较低的相对剥夺感也有助于其建立更高的一般信任水平。     

The institutional design of the Australian Welfare State

This paper seeks to compare and contrast the character of social policy in Australia with that in other OECD countries by focusing on the distinctive design features of the institutions constituting the wider context of Australian social policy provision. The three substantive sections of the paper successively summarize the distinguishing features of the institutional design of Welfare State provision in continental western Europe, Scandinavia and Australia; outline the wider institutional context of social policy in Australia; and examine the extent to which the distinctiveness of the institutional design of the Australian Welfare State has led to different patterns of policy outcomes from those in other nations.     

Effectiveness of Local Governance: Interactions Between Social Capital and Institutional Structures

This paper critically evaluates the debate on what makes local governments more effective, higher social capital (such as trust, reciprocity, and informal social networks) or stronger institutional structures (such as democratic processes, ombudsman, and social audits). Empirical analysis of a decentralized welfare scheme in India, the Andhra Pradesh Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (APREGS), using the latent variable path analysis modeling approach reveals that creation of formal democratic institutional channels in itself does not impact governance performance. Rather, it is mediated by complex institutional and social capital issues. For example, formal information dissemination activates social capital, leading to effective local governance. However, this (higher social capital and better institutions) does not automatically lead to empowerment or trust in the local government. The influence of the economically and politically powerful mediates this relationship. These and other results, cumulatively, highlight the complexity involved in the effectiveness of government empowerment initiatives. The paper calls for a fresh and wider debate on decision‐making dynamics in rural India, especially the interaction between government institutions, social capital, and the historical societal dynamics.     

新生代对基督教的信任态度及中介机制——以长三角地区数据为例

本文基于经典的“世代分析”框架和系统信任研究的“文化论”路径,试图回答：与其前辈相比,出生并成长于改革开放之后的新生代在对基督教信任方面有无差异？若有,近代以来影响国人对基督教态度的科学主义和文化民族主义在其间是否仍具中介影响？以此会突显民众对基督教怎样的态度变化？文章通过对长三角地区调查数据的分析发现,与前辈相比,新生代对基督教的信任度更高;科学主义与文化民族主义在世代与基督教信任间发挥着部分中介效应,且影响较弱。由此,我们可以在一定程度上看到新生代在实现包容性国民精神转型方面的向好态势。     

信任与区域经济发展研究——基于省与市两级的定量分析

本研究利用问卷调查取得的数据测量了省级和市级的信任水平,讨论了信任与区域经济发展的关系。基于省级层面的研究发现,社会信任与区域经济发展呈微弱负相关,公共信任与区域经济发展呈微弱正相关;而基于市级层面的研究发现,社会信任与区域经济发展呈现显著负相关,公共信任仍然与区域经济发展呈微弱正相关。作为特例,用银行呆账率作为一个客观的、逆向的指标来验证社会信任与经济发展的关系,发现银行呆账率与地区社会信任水平之间呈现负相关关系,与区域经济发展呈显著正相关关系。     

信任的本质及其文化

随着信任的研究越来越受重视,信任的含义也在不同的学科领域中越来越复杂。如果回到常理及其文化中来讨论信任,它所展现出来的特征可分为无约束机制的信任和有约束机制的信任,并在文化意义上导致信任地带的位移。在中国文化中,信任是人们在社会交往发生可疑时而形成的中间地带,可细分为放心关系和信任关系及无信任关系。其划分原因源自中西文化对人性及其社会依赖性的不同假定以及它们所构成的关系网络偏向或制度性偏向。由此,信任的本质是社会成员在面对社会不确定性和复杂性增加时体现出的对自己依赖对象所维持的时空性特征。以这种框架来重新处理以往有关中国社会信任研究中的争议和困惑,很多方面的问题可以得到合理的解释。     

After New Labour: political and policy consequences of welfare state reforms in the United Kingdom and Australia

ABSTRACT

Growing global integration, combined with the collapse of Soviet Communism, created major challenges for centre-left politics in the democratic world. This article considers two transformative Labour Party-led experiments that refurbished the welfare states of Australia and the United Kingdom, respectively. In Australia, this includes the Hawke–Keating (1983–1996) and Rudd–Gillard (2007–2013) Governments, and in the United Kingdom, the ‘New Labour’ Blair–Brown Governments (1997–2010). We present a comparative political economy of these welfare reforms, one that draws on both the policy transfer and policy diffusion literatures. By the 1980s, both parties faced three problems related to national economic decline, the ideological challenge to Keynesianism, and the decline of the traditional working-class electorate. We argue both parties developed common electoral and governing strategies aimed at winning support for a market-driven social-democratic program. Policy simultaneously compensated voters for market inequalities and deepened market relations. Focusing on how labour governments managed post-industrial change, responded to inequalities, advanced quasi-markets, and negotiated with union partners, we argue these experiments produced increasingly contradictory results that left both parties electorally and ideologically depleted. Despite important similarities, we note differences – starting points, discrete events and institutional variations have mattered to reform paths and their consequences.     

源于身份的隔阂:人口多样性、社会信任与犯罪

本文以2014年中国劳动力动态调查（CLDS）数据为基础，构建了一个人口多样性指数，并将其与288个城市的数据相匹配，检验了人口多样性与犯罪率之间的关系。实证结果表明，人口多样性是导致城市犯罪率上升的原因之一，且这一发现是稳健的。作用机制检验结果表明，社会信任是一个重要的中介变量，即人口多样性通过削弱社会信任水平导致犯罪率的上升。进一步，从地区制度环境和民生支出水平两个角度展开的实证检验发现，产权保护越完善、民众对法庭越有信心，政府在公共教育和社会保障上的财政支出越高，人口多样性对犯罪率的影响越弱，说明良好的制度和较高的社会福利支出具有显著的犯罪治理效应。本文的发现为城市化进程中我国各级政府的犯罪治理政策选择提供了经验证据，有助于科学把握犯罪治理的着力点。     

SPECIAL ISSUE： DISTRIBUTION OF NATIONAL INCOME IN A TRANSITIONAL ECONOMY Who is the predator,who the prey？ --an analysis of changes in the state of China＇s national income distribution

本文以2004年经济普查后修订的资金流量表为基础，依次从国民收入的初次分配和再分配两个阶段，分析了1992—2005年期间我国国民收入在企业、政府和居民三部门之间分配格局的变化，重点讨论了自1996年以来居民收入占比下降的原因。在分析初次分配格局时，本文将每个部门的初次分配收入占比表示为各要素分配份额按各要素收入中该部门所占比重加权得到的加权平均值。利用这一表示方式，我们校正了资金流量表中的要素分配份额，重新计算了1993—2005年间的国民收入分配格局，并推算了2006和2007年的国民收入分配格局。测算结果表明，居民部门在全国可支配收入中的占比在1996年达到最高，此后逐年降低，截止N2005年，总共下降了12．72个百分点。在初次分配和再分配阶段，居民部门分别下降了10．71和2．01个百分点。与之相对应，企业和政府部门在初次分配中的占比分别上升了7．49和3．21个百分点；在再分配阶段，居民和企业部门收入占比都下降，由此导致政府部门进一步上升3．17个百分点。我们还发现，国民收入的要素分配中劳动收入占比下降和财产收入占比下降，是居民部门在国民收入初次分配中占比下降的两个主要原因。在2005—2007年间，主要受生产水净额占比上升的影响，居民部门在国民收入中占比进一步下降了3个百分点以上．     

体制分割与中国城镇居民的住房差异

在混合经济形态下,“市场”与“再分配”权力之间的良性制衡的关系尚未形成,相反却在一定程度上对社会不平等的形成表现出层叠效应。对住房不平等的经验分析表明,当前（住房市场化时期）的住房不平等状况很大一部分是由房改前的住房分配过程和住房私有化改革过程导致的,社会成员越是接近体制的核心部门,其住房优势就越突出。这一经验研究发现表明,制度变革的渐进性和路径依赖使得根植于体制分割的社会不平等在尚未充分消退的同时,改革之前导致社会差异形成的体制分割因素依然在一定程度上活跃于当前的社会不平等中,且有可能会随着市场化的推进叠加于源自于市场的社会不平等,甚至经由市场的作用进一步延续并放大。     

中小民营企业衰退现象的经济伦理学研究

我国民营企业在经历急剧发展后其中不少中小企业迅速步入了衰退期。义利关系认识的缺陷以及诚信文化的缺失从内部为其衰退准备了条件;政府经济伦理意识模糊所导致的不健全的法律政策及歧视性的融资制度则从外部加速了其衰退进程。因此,只有从民营企业经济伦理及相应制度建设、政府经济伦理及相应制度建设两方面入手,才能有效阻止我国民营企业衰退现象的发生。     

Giving and Identity: Why affluent Australians give – or don't – to community causes

The trend to affluence in Australia is noteworthy. There are more Australian millionaires than ever before and the rate at which Australians are joining this group is one of the fastest in the world, with average assets held now worth US$4.1m, nudging the world's average of US$4.8m (Merrill Lynch and Capgemini 2005). This is positive news for the community sector because the Giving Australia household survey indicates that Australia's affluent are more likely give to community causes than those on lower incomes and are more likely to give more (PMCBP 2005). This trend is reflected in analyses of tax deductions claimed for charitable giving (McGregor‐Lowndes and Marsden 2006). This paper presents the findings of qualitative research conducted as part of the Giving Australia project describing why affluent donors give – or don't – to community causes. Findings from eight focus groups and eight in‐depth interviews with affluent individuals suggest that giving by the affluent at lower levels may be linked to a sense of identity and responsibility within social groups, as well as the perceived worthiness of both the cause and recipient organisations. In contrast, major donor behaviour appeared to be linked to passion and personal commitment to social change. A range of barriers were also indicated such as a need for privacy and concerns about the capacity of community organisations. Overall, the study's findings add to the understanding of giving behaviour by the affluent in Australia and confirm US findings that motivations for affluent donors are complex (for example, Boris 1987; Prince and File 1994; Schervish 2005; Johnson 2005).     

Giving and Identity: Why affluent Australians give – or don't – to community causes

The trend to affluence in Australia is noteworthy. There are more Australian millionaires than ever before and the rate at which Australians are joining this group is one of the fastest in the world, with average assets held now worth US$4.1m, nudging the world's average of US$4.8m (Merrill Lynch and Capgemini 2005). This is positive news for the community sector because the Giving Australia household survey indicates that Australia's affluent are more likely give to community causes than those on lower incomes and are more likely to give more (PMCBP 2005). This trend is reflected in analyses of tax deductions claimed for charitable giving (McGregor‐Lowndes and Marsden 2006). This paper presents the findings of qualitative research conducted as part of the Giving Australia project describing why affluent donors give – or don't – to community causes. Findings from eight focus groups and eight in‐depth interviews with affluent individuals suggest that giving by the affluent at lower levels may be linked to a sense of identity and responsibility within social groups, as well as the perceived worthiness of both the cause and recipient organisations. In contrast, major donor behaviour appeared to be linked to passion and personal commitment to social change. A range of barriers were also indicated such as a need for privacy and concerns about the capacity of community organisations. Overall, the study's findings add to the understanding of giving behaviour by the affluent in Australia and confirm US findings that motivations for affluent donors are complex (for example, Boris 1987; Prince and File 1994; Schervish 2005; Johnson 2005).     

Inequalities of Gender and Health 1857–1985: A Long‐run Perspective from the Melbourne Lying‐In Hospital Birth Cohort

This paper reviews the Australian historical record in health and gender inequalities since the mid nineteenth century through to the end of the twentieth century, using survival data from an historical cohort of impoverished people born in the Melbourne Lying‐In Hospital between 1857 and 1900. This data reveals the long shadow cast by disadvantage in early life and the critical importance of secure households in supporting infancy and childhood. Above all, the income security and support of mothers, was critical to survival of infants and children, and those households trapped in the casual economy, remained the most vulnerable to premature death. Only the improvements in labour force regulation, government employment and trade education after World War II, broke the cycle of poverty that had persisted in Australia since the earliest days of European settlement.