Enlisted Service Members' Transition Into the Civilian World of Work: A Cognitive Information Processing Approach

For many enlisted service members in transition, securing new jobs or careers is among their top priorities (B. Litz & S. M. Orsillo, 2004; U.S. Army Garrison Vicenza, n.d.). The complexity of enlisted soldiers' transitions combined with the significant number of 1st‐term enlisted soldiers returning to civilian life calls for career counselors to heighten their awareness of the specific needs of enlisted service members' entering or reentering the civilian sector. This article presents cognitive information processing theory as a foundation for working with enlisted military personnel who are transitioning into the civilian world of work.     

The social construction of peacekeeping in America

Although other nations have participated extensively in international peacekeeping operations, the use of American soldiers as peacekeepers is a recent change in their military role, and is not well understood by American society, the U.S. Army, the soldiers, or their wives. We use a social constructionist perspective, which has rarely been applied to the study of the American military, to analyze the definition of peacekeeping missions and of the nature of the military, by soldiers assigned to peacekeeping duty, their families, and other social institutions such as communications media and churches. We suggest that, because peacekeeping is an inherently ambiguous process, this theoretical perspective may prove useful in understanding the social definition of the emerging military role of peacekeeper.     

Will You Die for Your Country? Workplace Death in an Era of Mass Incarceration

People with criminal records in the United States continue to face limited employment opportunities due to social stigma and legal barriers. In contrast to the civilian sector, the military conducts a “whole person” evaluation to screen potential recruits and regularly hires people with felony and misdemeanor records. Moreover, evidence suggests that the military serves as a socially integrative institution and may facilitate desistance from future crimes. However, critics argue that the military exacerbates inequalities by subjecting marginalized communities to the unequal burden of service. Using the data obtained from the Army, we examine the relative risks of combat exposure and casualties between enlisted soldiers with and without criminal records who joined between 2002 and 2009. The results suggest that soldiers with felony and misdemeanor records are more likely to be assigned to combat occupations than those without criminal records. We also find that among soldiers assigned to positions with low combat exposure, ex-offenders face a higher risk of death compared to those without criminal records. Findings do not dispute the idea that the military facilitates desistance from future crimes and provides second chances to people with criminal records, but reaffirm the fact that military service costs lives and limbs.     

Feminism and Military Gender Practices: Israeli Women Soldiers in "Masculine" Roles

Women's military service is the focus of an ongoing controversy because of its implications for the gendered nature of citizenship. While liberal feminists endorse equal service as a venue for equal citizenship, radical feminists see women's service as a rei•cation of martial citizenship and cooperation with a hierarchical and sexist institution. These debates, however, tend to ignore the perspective of the women soldiers themselves.
This paper seeks to add to the contemporary debate on women's military service the subjective dimension of gender and national identities of women soldiers serving in "masculine" roles. I use a theory of identity practices in order to analyze the interaction between state institutions and identity construction. Based on in-depth interviews, I argue that Israeli women soldiers in "masculine" roles shape their gender identities according to the hegemonic masculinity of the combat soldier through three interrelated practices: (1) mimicry of combat soldiers' bodily and discursive practices; (2) distancing from "traditional femininity"; and (3) trivialization of sexual harassment.
These practices signify both resistance and compliance with the military dichotomized gender order. While these transgender performances subvert the hegemonic norms of masculinity and femininity, they also collaborate with the military androcentric norms. Thus, although these women soldiers individually transgress gender boundaries, they internalize the military's masculine ideology and values and learn to identify with the patriarchal order of the army and the state. This accounts for a pattern of "limited inclusion" that reaf•rms their marginalization, thus prohibiting them from developing a collective consciousness that would challenge the gendered structure of citizenship.     

Military,Masculinity, and Citizenship: Tensions and Contradictions in the Experience of Blue-Collar Soldiers

This article seeks to problematize the relationship between military service, masculinity, and citizenship, from the perspective of lower-class soldiers who serve in blue-collar roles in the Israeli military. Introducing class and ethnicity into the “taken for granted” equation of men, military, and the state reveals counter-hegemonic conceptions of masculinity and citizenship, and exposes tense and often contradictory relationships between them.

Based on in-depth interviews, I argue that blue-collar Israeli soldiers simultaneously accept and challenge the hegemonic Zionist conceptions of both masculinity and citizenship. Unlike the combat soldiers, blue-collar soldiers demonstrate gender and national identities that are not anchored in military life. Rather, these soldiers present an alternative version of “home-based masculinity,” which grants the family superiority over the military and the state. This masculinity is expressed through two recurring themes: ongoing resistance to military discipline and authority, and an emphasis on the role of the provider over the role of the soldier. Through these daily military practices, the soldiers express their rejection of the republican “principle of contribution” as a criterion to one's belonging to the collective. However, their conception of citizenship emphasizes a militant ethno-national discourse. The discrepancy between their antimilitaristic practices and their militant patriotism reflects their ambivalent socio-political location in Israeli society between their preferred location as Jews and their marginal location as Mizrachim of lower classes. These ambivalent identities reveal that a mutual affirming connection between the military, masculinity, and the state exists only for hegemonic groups. For non-hegemonic groups, the relationship between masculinity, military, and citizenship is ridden with conflicts and inner contradictions.     

Forget “militarization”: race,disability and the “martial politics” of the police and of the university

This article investigates the limits of the concept of militarization and proposes an alternative concept: martial politics. It argues that the concept of militarization falsely presumes a peaceful liberal order that is encroached on by military values or institutions. Arguing instead that we must grapple with the ways in which war and politics are mutually shaped, the article proposes the concept of martial politics as a means for examining how politics is shot-through with war-like relations. It argues that stark distinctions cannot be made between war and peace, military and civilian or national and social security. This argument is made in relation to two empirical sites: the police and the university. Arguing against the notion that either the police or the university have been “militarized,” the article provides a historical analysis of the ways in which these institutions have always already been implicated in martial politics – that is, of producing White social and economic order through war-like relations with Indigenous, racialized, disabled, poor and other communities. It concludes by assessing the political and scholarly opportunities that are opened up for feminists through the rejection of the concept of militarization in favor of the concept of martial politics.     

Work-related upper extremity injuries: prevalence,cost and risk factors in military and civilian populations

Persons with musculoskeletal-related disorders represent a prevalent source of outpatient visits, lost work time and disability in the military; however, research concerning the extent of work-related upper extremity disorders (WRUEDs) within this population is lacking. This literature review examined studies in civilian and military settings to ascertain the prevalence, cost and risk factors associated with WRUEDs. The results indicated that the prevalence and cost of WRUEDs in the civilian workforce are significant, justifying the need to research the military population. The literature also outlined physical, individual and psychosocial factors associated with WRUEDs that will help identify potential risk factors within military occupations.     

Part I. Work hardening for warriors: Occupational therapy for combat stress casualties

Combat stress is an occupational hazard of the military. Soldiers who become job-ineffective due to combat stress are termed "battle-fatigued." Occupational therapy, in the form of work hardening, is an important part of the management of these soldiers. Occupational therapists possess specialized knowledge and skills which make them uniquely qualified for this role. These assets include knowledge of neuromuscular and psychosocial aspects of occupational performance; the ability to do task analyses; the ability to assess occupational performance deficits; the ability to synthesize appropriate therapeutic occupations to rehabilitate functional deficits and match these to the needs of dysfunctional soldiers. These same resources serve occupational therapists equally well in civilian work hardening settings. This paper reviews the management of combat stress casualties, describes the Army units which minimize the impact of combat stress reactions, and delineates the Army occupational therapists' roles of soldier, mental health practitioner, and work hardening coordinator.     

Philanthropic Soldiers,Practical Orientalism,and the Occupation of Iraq

This article discusses the ways in which white, male, United States soldiers make sense of both themselves and Iraqi others. Drawing from qualitative interviews with twenty-four said soldiers from southern Indiana, most of whom having deployed to Iraq, it is shown how these soldiers perform gendered and racialized Orientalist discourses to rationalize United States empire and in particular the military occupation of Iraq. Specifically, imperialist discourses that imagine a superior “us” and an inferior “them” and understand United States state violence as ultimately a Western humanitarian “rescue” are shown to be powerful cultural logics in the sense-making practices of the interviewed soldiers. This article then is concerned with what others have called “practical Orientalism”—or the ways in which formal and official Orientalist discourses are adopted by everyday actors.     

Greedy Media: Army Families,Embedded Reporting,and War in Iraq

Abstract

Embedded reporting in Operation Iraqi Freedom provided real-time coverage of soldiers in war that was viewed and read by publics around the globe. Most constituents, such as the military, media, and the larger U. S. public perceived this coverage as positive; however, live television coverage had an intense and uncalculated impact on some U.S. Army wives and others on a military post at the individual, community, and institutional levels. This study provides a qualitative perspective on U.S. Army wives (N = 23) and their children on a military post whose soldiers deployed in the earliest phase of the war in Iraq in 2003. Live coverage created three types of viewing for Army wives and their children—compulsive, controlled, and constrained—and hastened use of other types of communication media. Live coverage also contributed to the expansion of the traditional definition of the military family and extended the reach of the Family Readiness Groups and the role of the Rear Detachment Command. We argue for an extension of Mady Segal's “greedy institution” application to the military family to include the mass media—specifically live television coverage of war.     

Cosmopolitan militaries and dialogic peacekeeping: Danish and Swedish women soldiers in Afghanistan

Feminist security studies (FSS) scholarship advocates the analysis of women’s war experiences and narratives to understand conflict and military intervention. Here we add a non-great power focus to FSS debates on the gendered discourses of military interventionism. We zoom in on Danish and Swedish women soldiers’ reflections on their involvement in the ISAF operation in Afghanistan. Their stories are deconstructed against the backdrop of their states’ adoption of a cosmopolitan-minded ethic on military obligation. Both states employed women soldiers in dialogic peacekeeping in Afghanistan to establish links with local women and to gather intelligence, tasks that were less frequently afforded to male soldiers. However, feminist FSS scholarship locates military intelligence gathering within racial, gendered and imperialist power relations that assign victimhood to local women. This feminist critique is pertinent, but the gendered and racial logics governing international operations vary across national contexts. While such gender binaries were present in Danish and Swedish military practice in Afghanistan, our article shows that dialogical peacekeeping offered an alternative to stereotypical constructions of women as victims and men as protectors. Dialogical peacekeeping helped to disrupt such gendering processes, giving women soldiers an opportunity to rethink their gender identities while instilling dialogical relations with local women.     

The Effect of 21st Century Military Service on Civilian Labor and Educational Outcomes

I estimate the effect of military service during the Afghanistan and Iraq wars on civilian labor and educational outcomes using several empirical methodologies including sibling fixed effects and propensity score matching. Since military occupations and training have changed significantly in the past few decades, these effects may be different than those found in previous studies on veterans of earlier theaters. I find that veteran status increases civilian wages by approximately ten percent for minorities but has little or no effect on whites in this regard. Veterans of all demographic groups are found to be equally employable and equally as satisfied with their civilian occupation as non-veterans. For females and minorities, veteran status substantially increases the likelihood one attempts college. These veterans are found to be more apt to pursue and obtain a two year (associate’s) degree instead of a four year (bachelor’s) degree. Lastly, I find mixed evidence that veteran status increases the likelihood of public sector employment.     

Veteran Status,Race‐Ethnicity,and Marriage Among Fragile Families

We used data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study (N = 2,679 ) to examine the impact of men's past military service on the likelihood that a couple will marry within 5 years of a nonmarital birth. Logistic regression analyses showed that men's past military service increased marriage odds by 54% for couples with Black fathers even after controlling for potential mediators. But veteran status had no effect on couples with White or Hispanic fathers. As a result, the large Black‐White gap in postbirth marriage evident among couples with civilian fathers did not exist among couples with veteran fathers. Our findings bolster other evidence that military service exerts lasting and unique pro‐marriage effects on Blacks.     

Epidemiology of Partner Abuse Within Military Families

Partner abuse (PA) is a public health problem that affects a significant number of families. Experiencing PA places victims at risk for a variety of negative outcomes, including substance use or abuse, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, and, in extreme cases, permanent injury or death. Furthermore, children who are exposed to PA are at risk for problems in the areas of cognitive functioning, self-esteem, psychological and emotional well‐being, interpersonal relationships, and behavior. Most of what is known about PA has accrued through studies of civilian families. In this article, the authors report the results of an in depth review of the epidemiology of PA in each branch of the military. Results revealed that most studies of the military have been conducted with Army families. Rates of nonclinically significant PA are higher in military samples than civilian samples. Men and women connected to the military engage in rates of mild to moderate PA at similar rates. Males in the military engage in more violent PA than do women. These findings are discussed within a prevention and risk/resilience framework. Practical suggestions for clinicians working with military personnel and families and ideas for future research are provided.     

Combat Social Work During the Surge in Iraq

The military has long recognized the short-term psychiatric effects of war upon soldiers, a significant factor for combat operational readiness and strength (NATO, 2008). Currently referred to as combat stress reaction or combat operational stress reaction (COSR), the condition has debilitating, immediate effects as well as long-term consequences for soldiers and military units. For the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, commanders expected psychiatric casualties rates equaling physical ones, stemming from the intensity and duration of these conflicts, nonlinear nature of the battlefields, unit morale, and soldier experiences and preparedness. For these recent wars, the concept of behavioral health, combat stress, and its military importance has dramatically changed, as have the protocols dictating the delivery of preventive and restorative combat behavioral health care. This article outlines the conceptual foundation of modern combat stress control, protocols, and the efforts of one social worker–led combat stress prevention team, forward deployed to a small base in a volatile area of Baghdad during the height of the surge in 2006–2007.     

Roads to American Empire: U.S. Military Public Works and Capitalist Transitions, 1898–1934.

Between 1898 and 1934, in synchronous and successive U.S. military interventions and occupations in Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Philippines, Haiti, and the Dominican Republic, American soldiers made public works, and especially roads, into a global technology of imperial power. This essay examines infrastructure as a factor in state formation and capitalist transition in these five different imperial spaces as a way to study U.S. empire, and its effects on foreign societies, through a comparative, global, and intra‐imperial approach often precluded by the methodological nationalism of historical and sociological literatures. Despite significant differences between these sites of U.S. war and occupation, both prior to American interventions and during them, U.S. military public works expressed and advanced a common political‐economic logic of state centralization and capital accumulation. Colonial and post‐colonial political institutions and political economies, the strength of central governments, the extent of plantation agriculture and rural proletarianization, world commodity markets, and geography and natural events varied, but determined U.S. imperial infrastructure's outcomes. By the 1930s, the U.S. military had elevated infrastructural improvement to a key repertoire of American imperial power in the world, and one which persisted as the United States turned away from formal colonialism in the era of the Cold War and decolonization.     

Suffering in the Shadows: Interviews with Wives of Combat Veterans Suffering from Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder and/or Traumatic Brain Injury

The body of research examining issues confronting combat veterans of the Afghanistan and Iraq wars continues to grow. However, this research focuses primarily upon veterans with very less attention given to the challenges confronting their spouses. Using a semi-structured interview methodology and a feminist perspective, this study examines what it means to be a wife of a combat veteran who suffers from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and/or traumatic brain injury (TBI). Our findings indicate these women—who experience tremendous emotional, financial, and social challenges that arise from being the caregiver for their husbands—feel isolated from and abandoned by both the military community and the civilian community. Furthermore, the social and emotional disconnection of these women experience amplify the stresses they confront in daily life—stresses that are unique to their relationship to being with a combat veteran spouse who has PTSD and/or TBI. We argue future research should build upon this exploratory study to better understand how both the military community and the civilian community impact the subjectivity of these women and their efforts to reintegrate themselves and their families into civilian life.     

The unsilencing of military wives: wartime deployment experiences and citizen responsibility

One of therapists' contemporary moral imperatives is to support American service members and their families regardless of personal position on the Global War on Terrorism. One way therapists can respond to this imperative is by seeking to understand Army wives' experiences during their husbands' wartime deployments. Therefore, this study utilized a combination of individual interviews with Army wives and a reflecting team of military wives and civilians to explore military wives' experiences. Two main themes were identified: the wives' experience was an emotional roller coaster and they felt silenced--and could be unsilenced--in their interactions with civilians. Therapists working with Army wives should (a) normalize the roller-coaster experience; (b) encourage wives to recognize negative and positive influencers and explore their idiosyncratic coping skills; (c) support positive civilian-military connections; and (d) as a civilian and as a therapist, seek to be a positive civilian connection by proactively showing support.     

The role of military culture in military organizations' responses to woman abuse in military families1

This paper reports on a study of the Canadian Forces' (CF's) response to woman abuse in military families which was conducted using institutional ethnography feminist methodology. A 20‐person multidisciplinary team conducted 126 semi‐structured interviews in four Canadian provinces with: (1) present and former civilian female partners of CF members, who were survivors of abuse [64]; (2) regional civilian and CF social service providers, and CF supervisory personnel [52]; and (3) National Defence Headquarters program administrators and generals in Ottawa [10]. Analyzing these interviews enabled us to identify and elaborate on some of the military social relations in which the experiences of military spouses who are woman abuse survivors are embedded. This paper discusses the difficulties created for military spouses by geographical transfers and military housing neighbourhoods, and establishes the crucial role played by the chain of command in military organizations' responses to spouses who have been abused. The paper then shows how military leaders, especially those who supervise combat units, respond to woman abuse in ways that reflect their participation in the hypervigilance and unit cohesion features of military culture. The paper concludes by reflecting on Western militaries' responses to woman abuse in military families in light of their responses to the events of September 11, 2001.