收入不平等与公平分配:对转型时期中国城镇居民公平观的一项实证分析

通过分析2005年中国城镇居民的调查数据发现,教育的启蒙性质能够使人超越狭隘的利己主义,从而对不平等持更加批判的态度;国有部门就业者和老年人所认可的不平等程度较低,体现了平均主义价值观的影响;地区实际的不平等程度越大,人们对不平等的认可程度越低。本研究既指出人们在减少收入不平等程度方面的普遍共识,又分析了人们认可的收入不平等程度的差异模式,从而有助于进一步理解民众如何感知和评价当前中国社会面临的日益严峻的收入不平等问题。     

收入分配不平等对刑事犯罪的影响问题研究

我国当前收入分配的不平等所造成的不仅是收入群体之间的收入差距过大,更重要的是在这种社会条件下的收入差距过大所导致的刑事犯罪率的上升和犯罪程度的加剧,通过对造成收入分配的不平等原因的分析以及对收入分配不平等对刑事犯罪率和刑事犯罪程度的影响机理分析,提出减少收入分配不平等和缩小收入差距的对策,从而减少收入分配问题所可能引致的刑事犯罪。     

Societal projection: Beliefs concerning the relationship between development and inequality in China

We examine how the relationship between development and inequality at the societal level is perceived and evaluated by ordinary Chinese people. We hypothesize that because the Chinese have recently experienced rapid increases in both economic growth and social inequality, they tend to view economic development as a driving force of social inequality. To address this question, we conducted a social survey in 2006 in six Chinese provinces (n = 4898). The survey data reveal that a large proportion of Chinese people have internalized a causal model in which they project high levels of inequality onto countries they view as more developed and low levels of inequality onto countries they see as less developed. However, results also show that a smaller proportion of Chinese believe in a negative relationship between development and inequality. Hence, the study reveals heterogeneity among ordinary Chinese in their perceptions of the causal relationship between development and inequality. Surprisingly, socioeconomic and demographic characteristics provide no explanatory power in explaining this heterogeneity.     

新生代农民工社会保险参保意愿及其影响因素

利用广东省东莞市新生代农民工调查数据的研究表明,经济融入因素中,每天工作时间、职务层次和个人月收入对新生代农民工的参保意愿具有显著影响;社会生活融入因素中,与邻居的相熟度和参与社区活动的频率对新生代农民工的参保意愿具有显著影响;文化心理融入因素中,愿意参与本地社会事务、愿意和本地人交朋友对新生代农民工的参保意愿具有显著影响。此外,年龄、户口和受教育程度也都对新生代农民工的参保意愿具有显著影响。     

拉美城镇化陷阱及其对贵州城镇化带动战略的借鉴

由于土地分配状况的极端不平等、城镇创造就业能力有限、社会保障制度改革不完善等因素,拉美城镇化过程中出现了收入持续不平等、社会问题突出与经济发展缓慢的城镇化陷阱。贵州已经进入城镇化加速发展和人均GDP进入1000～3000美元的经济社会矛盾多发阶段,应该以拉美国家城镇化为借鉴,以提高城乡居民劳动收入为关键节点,尝试开始覆盖城乡居民社会保障制度试点建设,并加快中小城镇户籍制度改革,实施农村土地使用体制改革,从而实现城镇化带动战略。     

Explaining the subjective well-being of urban and rural Chinese: Income,personal concerns,and societal evaluations

This study makes an integrated investigation of how subjective well-being is associated with income, personal concerns, and societal evaluations and how these social and psychological correlates of subjective well-being are contextualized within a country. Data used for the empirical analysis come from a nationally representative sample survey conducted in China in 2009. It is found that subjective well-being is independently linked to income, personal concerns, and societal evaluations. Comparisons of urban and rural Chinese further reveal that income, structural attributions of inequality, and evaluations of governance are related to subjective well-being among both groups. Nevertheless, different sets of other evaluative correlates of subjective well-being between urban and rural people stand out, which is conjectured to be related to the long-time institutional, economic, and social segmentation of the two groups. This study has contributed to both the subjective well-being theories and the understanding of the consequences of social inequality.     

中国三大区域间收入不平等影响因素的实证研究:1952-2008

区域收入不平等的持续增大,对个人与群体的尊严、国家经济的可持续性发展形成严峻挑战。以往研究局限于经济学视角,只关心某一或某几种因素对收入不平等影响,过于碎片化。本文利用1952-2008年国家统计数据,基于结构主义视角,通过随机效应模型考察了区域间收入不平等背后的因果机制。研究发现:经济增长与区域间收入不平等存在微弱倒"U"关系;结构因素是构筑区域收入不平等的主要力量,解释比例达到69.7%。本文认为,"非均衡发展"是中国经济转型与发展过程中必然的路径选择,区域收入不平等不可避免,并将长期存在。     

和谐社会视域下的公民意识培养

构建和谐社会是建设富强民主文明和谐的社会主义现代化国家的内在要求,体现了全党全国各族人民的共同愿望。而要团结一切可以团结的力量,调动一切积极因素,形成人人有责、人人共享的和谐社会,离不开成熟健全的公民意识。因此,通过完善公民社会建设、引导公民参与社会公共事务、推进公民意识教育等途径,大力培养公民意识,对和谐社会建设具有重要作用。     

民生指标区域不平等指数解析

发展和公平两者不可分离,不注重公平的发展必然偏离和谐的轨道。利用洛伦兹曲线和基尼系数的计算方法得出的民生指标不平等指数显示：中国的区域不平等问题在农村比在城市更为严重;社会保障的不平等和医疗保障的巨大差距远远超过收入的不平等。适当的政策组合可以促进从“不平等陷阱”向公平发展的良性循环转变。     

The “new” military and income inequality: A cross national analysis

Military expenditures have escalated over the last three decades in both developed and less developed countries, without a corresponding expansion of military personnel. Spending has instead been directed towards hi-tech weaponry, what we refer to as the “new” military. We hypothesize that this new, increasingly capital-intensive military is no longer a pathway of upward mobility or employer of last resort for many uneducated, unskilled, or unemployed people, with significant consequences for those individuals and society as a whole. One such consequence, we argue, is an increase in income inequality. We test this hypothesis with cross-national panel models, estimated for 82 developed and less developed countries from 1970 to 2000. Findings indicate that military capital-intensiveness, as measured by military expenditures per soldier, exacerbates income inequality net of control variables. Neither total military expenditures/GDP nor military participation has a significant effect. It appears from these findings that today’s “new” military establishment is abrogating its historical role as an equalizing force in society, with important policy implications.     

城市基层社会的深层权力秩序

近十多年来,我国城市经济和社会各个领域发生了一系列重大变化,尤其是单位制、户籍制和“街-居制”构成的城市管理制度结构的松动,社区建设全面启动。使城市居民的身份、城市基层的社会整合方式以及国家与社会的关系变得复杂起来,由于国家与社会在基层社区最现实的生活层面相遇。由此便引伸出了一些问题,基层社会的权力秩序是怎样的?其内在逻辑何在?为此,本文试图通过研究上海城市的一些基层社区组织之间的关系来揭示最基层社会的深层权力秩序。     

公民参与环境决策的理论基础探析

当前,公民参与环境决策面临着参与意识不强、参与渠道不足、制度化程度低等不少困境,说明人们对公民参与环境决策的意义和价值缺乏深刻的理解。其重要原因在于学术界对这一问题的研究不够深入、系统,没有充分挖掘公民参与环境决策的理论基础,缺乏从理论上论证其合理性和正当性。该文从哲学、法理学、政治学、管理学、经济学等角度对公民参与环境决策的理论基础作了初步探讨,认为＂以人为本＂的科学发展理论、环境权理论、参与式民主理论、公民治理理论和公共选择理论,为公民参与环境决策提供了重要的理论支撑。     

关于我国收入分配差异的思考

收入分配问题,是关系国计民生的大问题,是落实科学发展观、构建社会主义和谐社会的重要问题．也是维护和实现社会公平的主要方面。它不仅与广大人民群众的切身利益息息相关,而且对整个社会经济的平稳快速发展起到至关重要的作用。随着我国社会主义市场经济体制的日趋完善,由注重效率到更加注重社会公平。但个人消费品的分配仍然存在城乡差异、区域差异、行业差异。这对经济的可持续发展和社会和谐产生了一定的影响。收入分配差异现象,已经不完全属于经济问题,也是个社会问题。     

基尼系数的局限性及其补充:中国经验

使用国际上通用的基尼系数分析收入差距,是有一定的适用范围和条件的,而且基尼系数自身也存在一定的局限性。目前在全国范围内计算的基尼系数,忽略了中国作为一个发展中大国存在空间、地域等异质性因素,如果直接套用“0．4的国际警戒线”,会在政策的制订上带有一定的盲目性。基尼系数在中国的适用过程中,必须充分考虑到大规模人口流动因素对城乡收入差距、地区收入差距扩大的抑制效应甚至缓解作用。只有将经济增长标准、收入流动性标准、社会承受力标准以及收入差距预警系统建设等这些指标和工具作为对基尼系数分析的有效补充,才能够确保对中国收入差距的判断和度量更加科学、有效。     

Revisiting convergence: A research note

A number of recent studies show that income inequality is declining between countries. In this research note, I question the significance of this trend by examining the role of initial conditions in producing convergence. An important (but neglected) property of inequality dynamics is the tendency for extreme distributions to become more moderate. When income disparities are large, the subsequent trend is biased toward convergence. Conversely, when initial conditions approach parity, divergence becomes the more likely long-term outcome. I apply this principle to trends in GDP PC across 127 countries during the 1980–2010 period. Using counterfactual analysis, I manipulate the initial level of inequality in GDP PC while holding constant each country’s observed growth rate during the sample period. I find that the growth dynamics of GDP PC produce either convergence or divergence based simply on the initial distribution of income. The point of transition occurs at a moderate level of inequality, whether using population weights (Gini = .365) or not (Gini = .377). I conclude that the recent convergence observed in GDP PC is primarily a function of large income gaps between countries and would not have materialized at more moderate levels of initial inequality. By contrast, an examination of the pre-1950 period reveals divergent growth patterns that are not sensitive to initial conditions.     

Small groups,contexts, and civic engagement: A multilevel analysis of United States Congregational Life Survey data

Prior research suggests that church-goers are more civically engaged than their non-church-going counterparts. Little is known, however, about how the popular phenomenon of small groups factors into this equation. In the present study, we examine relationships between small group participation at individual and congregation levels and civic engagement. Using multilevel modeling and national data on congregations and individuals from the U.S. Congregational Life Study (n = 82,044), we find that: (1) individual-level small group involvement is associated with four measures of civic engagement; (2) congregation-level small group participation is associated with both lower and higher civic engagement in the case of two outcomes; and (3) in the case of three civic outcomes, congregation-level small group participation moderates individual-level small group involvement such that small group members’ civic activity more closely resembles the lower civic engagement of small group nonparticipants. In the case of one civic outcome, at high levels of overall small group participation, small group members’ civic engagement drops below that of small group nonparticipants. Explanations for these findings, including a “crowding out” effect, are examined including their complex implications for debates regarding small groups, religious involvement, and civic engagement.     

Unequal on top: Gender profiling and the income gap among high earner male and female professionals

We develop a comprehensive, multi-level model of income inequality between high earner men and women during the early career stages. We argue that young women are routinely subjected to “gender profiling” by employers—women’s potential contribution to the organization is interpreted through the lens of social stereotypes and cultural norms that attribute to them weaker labor market commitment than men. We investigate two specific mechanisms that arise from this profiling and lead to income inequality: First, women have diminished access to resources and advancement opportunities within the firm which results in lower returns to tenure for women than for men. Second, external mobility is greatly beneficial for men but much less so for women because it reinforces the image of weak commitment. Salary regressions of early career history data of young MBA alumni of a prestigious U.S. business school accord with our conjectures.     

食品安全信息规制机制的法治省思——以食品安全信息统一公布制度为研究对象

伴随着我国食品安全事故的高频率爆发,《食品安全法》确立的食品安全信息统一公布制度有利于改善食品安全治理工作。但此制度的出台并没有抑制重大食品安全事故的再次发生,食品安全信息统一公布制度存在公布信息主体混乱、信息发布决策的社会参与不足以及权利救济机制短缺三大问题。应从整个卫生行政部门系统都享有信息统一公布的权力这个角度来解决公布主体混乱的问题。通过对公民在食品安全信息分布中的参与权进行分析发现：普通公众与食品生产经营者的参与权存在区别;应合理协调应急信息中的公共利益与公民参与之间的冲突。从普通公众和食品生产经营者两个不同维度完善权利救济机制,并借鉴民法上的不真正连带责任来解决政府责任问题。     

Behind the ethnic–civic distinction: Public attitudes towards immigrants’ political rights in the Netherlands

Public opinion research has sought to distinguish between ethnic and civic conceptions of citizenship and examined the differential associations of these conceptions with policy preferences in the realm of immigration. What has not been examined empirically is why exactly these conceptions are related to people’s preferences. In two survey studies conducted among national samples of native Dutch we tested the proposition that the endorsement of ethnic citizenship is related to lower acceptance of Muslim immigrant rights (Study 1) and their political participation (Study 2) because of a weaker normative sense of common national belonging and higher adherence to autochthony (primo-occupancy) beliefs. In contrast, the endorsement of civic citizenship was expected to be associated with higher acceptance of Muslim immigrant rights and their political participation because of a stronger sense of common belonging and lower belief in autochthony. The findings of the two studies are similar and in support of these expectations.     

Income inequality,distributive fairness and political trust in Latin America

In the wake of rising levels of income inequality during the past two decades, widespread concerns emerged about the social and political consequences of the widening gap between the poor and the rich that can be observed in many established democracies. Several empirical studies substantiate the link between macro-level income inequality and political attitudes and behavior, pointing at its broad and negative implications for political equality. Accordingly, these implications are expected to be accentuated in contexts of high inequality, as is the case in Latin America. Despite these general concerns about the consequences of income inequality, few studies have accounted for the importance of individual perceptions of distributive fairness in regard to trust in political institutions. Even less is known about the extent to which distributive fairness perceptions co-vary with objective indicators of inequality. Moreover, the research in this area has traditionally focused on OECD countries, which have lower indexes of inequality than the rest of the world. This study aims at filling this gap by focusing on the relevance of distributive fairness perceptions and macro-level inequality for political trust and on how these two levels interact in Latin American countries. The analyses are based on the Latinobarometer survey 2011, which consists of 18 countries. Multilevel estimations suggest that both dimensions of inequality are negatively associated with political trust but that higher levels of macro-level inequality attenuate rather than increase the strength of the negative association between distributive fairness perceptions and political trust.