Recent trends in public support for unions in Canada

This paper investigates trends in public support for unionism during the 1980s. Comparing data from two western Canadian cities in 1981 and 1987, we examine the impact of the recession of the early 1980s on public perceptions of the role of unions, whether the differences between cities documented during 1981 had increased or decreased by 1987, and if “hard times” had resulted in more nonunion employees expressing a willingness to join a union. There is little evidence of growing support for negative “big labor” opinions about unions in the two cities. Despite a well-publicized labor dispute involving the use of strikebreakers in one city, there was no increase in support for legislation restricting the practice. Residents in the same city, however, were significantly more likely to agree with “business unionism” sentiments, an opinion trend accompanied by a growing willingness to join a union. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the annual meetings of the Western Association of Sociology & Anthropology, February 1988, Edmonton. We thank the Population Research Laboratory at the University of Alberta and Dr. Raymond Currie, Department of Sociology, University of Manitoba, for making available results of the 1981 and 1987 Edmonton and Winnipeg Area Studies. We also acknowledge the research assistance provided by Alan Law and Mary Thompson, and the word processing done by Linda Abbott.     

Managerial Hostility and Attitudes Towards Unions: A Canada-US Comparison

We use a cross-country survey of attitudes toward work and unions, which includes a sample of managers in both the US and Canada, to explore whether there is greater attitudinal hostility to unions in the U.S. Our estimates indicate that American manager’s attitudes towards unions are, perhaps surprisingly, less hostile than those of Canadian managers. We explain this first finding by the differential effect of perceived union power, which is greater in Canada than the US and which is correlated negatively with union approval. We also find that US managers are less likely to use extreme methods to oppose union organizing drives, implying that the lower union rates in the US as compared to Canada are not likely the result of greater negativity towards unions themselves but rather some other factor or combination of factors. The implication is that if Canadian managers faced the same labor relations playing field as their US counterparts, they would likely find it easier to thwart union certification drives as well. Alternatively stated, Canadian-style labor relations reforms (such as card-check systems or quicker certification votes) could perhaps tip the balance in favor of unions when organizing in the US.     

The involvement of canadian unions in political activities: An exploratory analysis

A conceptual framework is presented that depicts the political activities of public employee unions. The framework explicitly recognizes that access to elected officials affects unions’ ability to achieve political influence. Data covering 95 local unions in 26 major Canadian municipalities are used to test the framework. The results generally support the framework and suggest several observations about the effectiveness of union political activities. We are grateful to Susan Schwochau for helpful comments on an earlier draft of this paper.     

Mandatory agency shop laws as an explanation of Canada-U.S. union density divergence

X. Conclusion During a period of strength the Canadian labor movement was able to secure enduring legislation providing for their institutional protection. In the 1940s Justice Rand justified his decision by invoking the spirit underlying the operationalization of a collective bargaining regime. In the 1990s the Canadian Supreme Court continued this tradition by refusing to hollow out unions’ rights to a secure financial base and autonomy in decision making. Between the 1940s and the 1990s, the unions' voice was heard in legislatures throughout the country through the NDP. Canadian unions now benefit from, among other things, first-contract arbitration, job protection for striking workers, and a card process of union certification. Thus, although current Canadian attitudes towards unions show considerable detachment, the embeddedness of legal protections helps hold such challenges as RTW in Alberta at bay. During the same years, American labor was unable to translate its strength of numbers into gains in public policy: in fact, as union density peaked, legislation such as the Taft-Hartley Act and Landrum-Griffin Act eroded union institutional protections. An earlier version of this article appears as “Union Security in Canada,” in The Internal Governance and Organizational Effectiveness of Labor Unions, edited by S. Estreicher, H. C. Katz, and B. E. Kaufman, Kluwer Press. We are grateful for their permission to reproduce portions of the chapter. Comments from Dennis Nolan (University of South Carolina) and John Godard (University of Manitoba) are greatly appre-ciated. The article benefited from their excellent suggestions. Research assistance from Fred Jacques is acknowledged. We follow the Canadian spelling of “labour” for accuracy when it is used in citations, quotes, and titles.     

The economics of the decision to join a union

This article attempts to bring about a synthesis of the theory of human capital and the disparate and largely empirical literature on the impact of unions on an individual worker’s terms and conditions of employment. This is done by modeling the decision of a worker to join a unionized firm or vote for a union in an NLRB election. From this model both the theoretically correct valuation and some empirical estimates of the value of the major wage and nonwage (seniority, discipline and discharge, strikes, dues) impacts of unions are presented. Extensions to risk averse workers, free rider problems, union elections and contract ratification votes are also briefly considered.     

Trade unionism in Canada and the United States: a reply to Bowden

Gary Bowden's (1989) comprehensive report on opinion poll questions bearing on Canadian trade unionism is presented in the context of a criticism of my earlier comparative discussion of the reasons why union density in Canada is much higher than in the United States. He contends that my emphasis on value differences in trying to account for the greater strength of unionism (and socialism) in Canada is wrong since, countering my expectations, survey findings do not demonstrate that Canadians are more sympathetic to unions than Americans. These results, however, do not surprise me or serve as a basic challenge to my analysis (Lipset, 1986). In my recent effort to evaluate the many differences in institutions and values in the two countries, I, too, indicate:
Curiously, given the large difference in union strength across the border, questions inquiring about attitudes toward unions, their power, and the outcomes of strikes that have been posed by the Gallup polls, Decima and CRI, Harris, NORC, and the Wright-Myles studies do not show Canadians as more pro-union than Americans. Some even find the population in the north less approving of unions and more concerned about union power, which in fact is much greater there than in the northern [sic] nation. (Lipset, 1989; 1990a: 69). [I must apologize here for an obvious error, northern clearly should have read southern].     

Union decline: A view from Canada

Important changes are occurring in the Canadian unions’ political and economic environments. This paper argues that such changes may be detrimental to Canadian trade unions, given their structural and institutional situation. To support this argument, private-sector union and nonunion firms in Alberta are compared. This comparison uncovers some structural (union members’ employment patterns and union firm characteristics) and institutional (union services) attributes of unions. Combined with the politico-economic environments that Alberta unions have faced since the early 1980s, these attributes have led to a decline in union membership. Because these attributes are shared by many other Canadian unions, those unions may increasingly confront some of the same hardships currently plaguing their Alberta counterparts. I am indebted to Brian Bemmels, Alan Murray, and John G. Fricke for helpful comments on an earlier version of this paper, and to Mike Jones for his research assistance.     

External legitimacy of unions: Trends in New Zealand

Just 5 years ago, at the pinnacle of their success, New Zealand unions negotiated collective agreements covering over 720,000 employees and were successful in persuading some 603,000 of these employees to join. In May 1991, the Employment Contracts Act, which withdrew totally any state-endorsement or sponsorship of union activity, radically altered their position. Union membership fell by around 40 percent in the four years since the enactment of the Act — from 603,000 to 376,000 members in December 1994; the overall number of unions remaining has declined to around 80; a number of unions have become insolvent and have filed for liquidation; staff retrenchments within unions has been widely reported and, in some cases, this has led to a reduction in services and capacity. Data for 1993 suggest that union decline may have “bottomed out” with unions losing fewer than 20,000 members in that year. However, decline is again apparent in the 1994 data. The removal of external legitimacy has had a significant impact on unionization rates. We review the conditions under which the restoration of legitimacy would bring about a reversal of union decline.     

The union wage effect in Canadian manufacturing industries

Data for Canadian manufacturing industries, at the two-digit level, are used to examine the component elements of the union wage effect. The results show that absence of compulsory union membership for all employees in the bargaining unit served by a union does not significantly impair the ability of the union to negotiate wage gains. That is, our results imply that there is little reason for unions to devote much effort to negotiating the stronger forms of union security — union or closed shops. A second implication of our results is that significant bargaining advantages may accrue to unions with an international (U.S.) link, relative to Canadian national unions.     

Economic dissatisfaction, potential unionism, and attitudes toward unions in Canada

Cet article examine une première tentative mise au point dans le but d'évaluer le lien entre le mécontentement économique et l'appui accordé aux syndicats en ayant recours à des données provenant de diverses réunions-débats qui ont eu lieu à travers le pays. Un modèle de variable latent (LISREL) est utilisé pour étudier les positions prises par un échantillon représentatif de canadiens entre 1977 et 1981. Selon les résultats, il existe en général une stabilityé considérable pour ce qui est de l'attitude à l'endroit des droits syndicaux et des pouvoirs. Une période de mécontentement économique tend à noircir l'image des syndicats aux yeux des membres. Des tendances nettement différentes séparent, d'une part, les membres actifs et éventuels des syndicats, et, d'une autre part, ceux qui ne sont pas membres en puissance.
This paper represents the first attempt to assess the relationship between economic dissatisfaction and support for unions, using panel data collected at the national level. A latent variable (LISREL) model is employed to examine the attitudes of a representative sample of Canadian respondents during the period from 1977 to 1981. The findings indicate considerable stability in attitudes about union rights and powers over time. There is some tendency for economic dissatisfaction to produce more negative perceptions of unions among union members. Significantly different patterns are found for union members and 'potential' union members, on the one hand, and individuals who are not potential members, on the other hand.     

American trade unions and public approval: Can unions please all of the people all of the time?

Public opinion about labor unions has long been viewed as an important determinant of industrial relations outcomes. Yet, analyses of changes in union popularity over time have been largely qualitative and have focused on the impact of short-term idiosyncratic events. This paper provides a quantitative analysis of the determinants of American public approval of unions from 1936 to 1991. Hypotheses relating to the union wage advantage, strike activity, the national unemployment rate, and World War II, receive the strongest support. The implications of these results for organized labor and future research on attitudes toward unions are discussed.     

The american labor movement and employee ownership: Objections to and uses of employee stock ownership plans

This paper analyzes the evolution of American unions’ attitudes and policies concerning employee ownership that coincided with the rapid growth of employee stock-ownership plans during the 1980s. From an initial position of opposing employee ownership and viewing it as a threat, many major unions have come to accept, and in some cases to promote, stock ownership for their members. Among the factors driving this change of view have been economic necessity, evidence that many of the labor movement’s traditional concerns about employee ownership are largely unfounded, and the growing realization among unions that employee ownership is a potentially useful strategic asset.     

Union responses to quality improvement initiatives: Factors shaping support and resistance

We analyze how, between 1989 and 1996, four unions in a Canadian hospital responded to a two-stage quality improvement (QI) initiative comprising a total quality management effort and a reengineering campaign. Results indicate that union leaders' responses to QI were a function of the extent to which the leaders perceived QI as a threat to their vested interests in union survival and protecting members'well being. The evolution of the relationship between QI and union responses, in turn, was shaped by the extent to which the unions and management accommodated each other's vested interests and by the parties' balance of power. We are grateful to all those who participated in this study for making it possible. The excellent research assistance of Deanna Chevrier is highly appreciated. We are also indebted to Kay Devine, Joseph Gebran, Francis Lau, and Lloyd Steier for helpful comments on versions of this paper. The research was supported by a NOVA Fellowship, Faculty of Business, University of Alberta.     

LESS ACCESS,WORSE QUALITY

High-quality child care is a boon for children and buffers some of the long-term negative effects of growing up in straitened circumstances. Yet, just one in seven Canadian children has access to regulated care. Within this, poor children have worse access and are over-represented in lower-quality care arrangements. Canada's policy architecture, as reviews of Winnipeg, Quebec, and Vancouver demonstrate, generates inequities of access and quality that reproduce neighborhood socioeconomic gradients of class and racialization. Poor children are systematically disadvantaged by a national approach that relies on privatized partnerships with the voluntary sector to implement public child care policy. Equalizing poor children's access to quality child care remains a pressing Canadian challenge, and will require policy and delivery redesign.     

RACE AND RELIGION IN THE BIBLE BELT: PARENTAL ATTITUDES TOWARD INTERFAITH RELATIONSHIPS

This study examines the racial and religious differences in parental attitudes toward interfaith relationships in the Bible Belt region of the United States. Using data from the 2007 Georgia Southwestern Omnibus Community Survey, we explore attitudes toward interfaith unions and whether opposition becomes stronger as the union becomes more intimate. We utilize marriage market theory and third party influence to explain subjective parental attitudes toward the interfaith unions of their children. We employ a tolerance scale and logistic regression to predict the racial, religious, and cultural differences in opposition toward interfaith friendship, dating, and marriage. Results indicate that religious importance is a more significant predictor of interfaith opposition than religious affiliation. In addition, white parents exhibit greater opposition toward interfaith dating and marriage than black parents. Overall, the level of opposition toward interfaith unions increases as the relationship becomes more intimate.     

The effect of experience on faculty attitudes toward collective bargaining: A cross-temporal analysis

We used multivariate analysis to investigate the change in the attitudes and expectations of AAUP members in a Midwestern university. Two models were developed to measure faculty attitudes toward the union, at the time of the election and four years after the election. The effect of experience on faculty attitudes toward the union is captured by comparing the results of the two models. Our findings suggest major differences in faculty attitudes and expectations prior to and after the union’s arrival. The results of our study have essential policy implications for unions in formulating successful strategies and for faculty in developing realistic expectations of collective bargaining.     

Class and left-wing radicalism

Ce travail tente d'examiner la relation entre la classe sociale, l'appartenance syndicale, l'expérience du chîomage, l'ethnicité, l'affiliation religieuse et le radicalisme de gauche dans un secteur de Winnipeg. Les données démontrent que le gauchisme a ses origines dans la classe sociale et la conception marxiste de classe sociale a plus d'importance que la conception sociologique traditionnelle. Ce travail démontre aussi que ni l'ethnicité ni l'affiliation religieuse ne contribuent beaucoup à la compréhension des attitudes politiques de gauche que détiennent les résidents du Nord de Winnipeg.
This paper attempts to examine the relationship between social class, union membership, un-employement experience, ethnicity, religious affiliation, and left-wing radicalism in a part of Winnipeg. The resultant data show that leftism is rooted in social class, with the Marxian view of class being of greater import than the traditional sociological view. In this study, neither ethnicity nor religious affiliation contributes much to our understanding of left-wing political views adhered to by the people of Winnipeg North.     

Labor Union Political Strategy in an Era of Decline and Revitalization

U.S. labor unions faced sharp membership losses over the last few decades, and some responded by ushering in a new, revitalized model of organizing. Yet we know little about how these forces may be shaping the political activities of the labor movement. Has crisis prompted unions to take aim at public policies inhibiting union vitality, or have unions turned outward to embrace broader social causes? This paper uses an original dataset of union appearances in congressional hearings to analyze unions’ legislative advocacy activities. Findings suggest substantial differences between those unions that are likely to appear in hearings on core labor‐related topics and those that appear in hearings on broad social issues: AFL‐CIO unions are more likely to participate in hearings on core labor issues, while unions commonly cited as “revitalized” and public sector unions are more likely to appear in hearings on broad social issues.     

Solidarity Revisited: Group-level Effects on Individual-level Union Voting

Rooted in the theory of planned behavior, our empirical reinvestigation of archived union certification election data provided strong evidence that workgroup solidarity was a significant predictor of individual voting behavior. Specifically, group-level attitudes toward unions accounted for individual voting behaviors beyond the individual-level attitudes toward unions. This study offers a meaningful increment to our knowledge as it provides a quantification of the extent that employees are willing to, and actually, comply with subjective norms. Important practical implications for both unions and employers as well as directions for future research are discussed.     

Long‐Term Heterosexual Cohabiters and Attitudes toward Marriage

Limited research has specifically examined long‐term heterosexual cohabiters (LTHCs), whose lengthy unions challenge the notion that cohabitation is a life stage. Drawing upon in‐depth interviews with 48 LTHCs, this article identifies six themes that LTHCs use to talk about their attitudes toward marriage. Three of these themes highlight ways in which heterosexuals are trying to construct anti‐oppressive heterosexual identities. These six themes are especially structured by social class, elucidating a broader class‐based bifurcation of family life in the United States. These findings challenge existing paradigms about cohabitation and illuminate the diversity of reasons people choose to cohabitate. Implications for broader shifts in intimate life are discussed.