Transnational practices of Albanian families during the Greek crisis: unemployment,de-regularization and return

The outbreak of economic crisis in Greece in 2010 and the austerity measures adopted have dramatically altered the economic and social conditions throughout the country and consequently deeply impacted the migrant families. With Albanian regular migrants losing the legal status and lapsing back into irregularity due to the high unemployment rates, the reverse process of de-regularization and social disintegration has emerged. As a result, many migrants drew on family and social networks to pursue work opportunities either back home or elsewhere, while maintaining their formal ties/residence in Greece. This article explores the impact of the Greek crisis and de-regularization phenomenon on the transnational practices among Albanian families. Our aim is to go beyond the general theories on transnationalism and look at what exactly is the impact of the crisis on the families, as well as individuals' dilemmas of return and negotiations between transnational mobility and staying put, between different levels of belonging and their orientation to the present and future. The empirical analysis is based on in-depth interviews with 70 Albanians of first and second generation living in Greece.     

Choice of Money Transfer Methods in the Case of Albanian Immigrants in Greece

This paper investigates the choice of the method that immigrants use for the transfer of savings to their home country. The paper examines the example of Albanian immigrants in Greece using a sample of permanent and seasonal immigrants. Three methods were proposed to the immigrants: the banking network, money transfer companies and hand carried transfer by their or a relative’s return in Albania. Cost and quickness of transfer were considered as a parameter for the choice. The paper finds that despite the growth of remittances through the official network and the growth of this network in Albania, immigrants prefer to send money through the parallel market by their return or a relative’s in Albania. Within the official market, permanent immigrants are more likely to use the banking network while seasonal immigrants prefer to use the money transfer companies’ network.     

Estimating Mortality Levels and Patterns among Natives,Immigrants, and Selected Ethnic Groups in Greece: 2010–2012

This study addresses for the first time in Greece the issue of levels and patterns of mortality among natives and immigrants, using vital statistics and census data by citizenship. Life tables are constructed for the two most numerous communities, Albanians and Bulgarians as well as for all immigrant populations combined; standardized mortality ratios are estimated for smaller migrant groups. Albanian males have a slight mortality advantage compared to natives; all other groups experience higher mortality. Some support for the “selectivity of migrants” hypothesis is provided as immigrants in several cases have significantly lower mortality compared to their countries of origin. Implications for public health policy in Greece are discussed.     

Attitudes Towards Migrants: What do Greek students think about their immigrant classmates?

The constantly increasing number of immigrant families living in Greece has forced teachers to deal with one more factor affecting classroom dynamics: student attitudes towards their immigrant classmates, their families, and immigrants in general. A first step in dealing with such a factor is to establish the extent and nature of prejudice towards immigrants by measuring student attitudes with respect to immigrants. A questionnaire focusing on immigrant acceptance was prepared and administered to a sample of Greek middle school students, who also completed a paragraph about immigrants living in Greece. Results suggested that students held negative opinions about immigrants. In addition, positive comments were limited to the cheap labor provided by immigrant workers. Implications for schools and the educational process are considered.     

Best Practice Options: Albania

The Cooperative Efforts to Manage Emigration (CEME) site visit to Italy and Albania – organized in cooperation with the Centro Studi di Politica Internazionale (CeSPI), an Italian independent research institute – took place in June 2002. Albania is a country of 3.1 million people with a GDP of $4.1 billion that switched in the early 1990s, after 45 years of communism, from economic autarky to a peculiar form of market economy, and experienced some of the world’s highest emigration rates in the 1990s. Some 600,000 to 700,000 Albanians, or almost one–fourth of Albanians, and half of Albanian professionals, emigrated. As a result, the labour force is only 38 per cent of the population, versus 50 per cent in most industrial countries (UNDP, 1996, 2000). The major destinations of Albanian migrants in the 1990s were Greece, which had 400,000 to 600,000 Albanians in 2002, and Italy, which had 144,000 legal residents and probably some tens of thousands illegals at the end of 2001. 1 The Albanian Government estimates that about half of the Albanians in Greece are legal residents. There are also about 100,000 Albanians in Switzerland, the UK, Germany, and other Western European countries.
Many Albanians have become legal residents of Greece and Italy as a result of regularization–legalization programmes. Albania is also a transit point for third country nationals attempting to reach the rest of Europe via Albania. Of particular interest to the CEME members were efforts by the Italian and Albanian governments to cooperate in managing the flows of Albanian and transit migrants. When the CEME visit was made, Albania was experiencing rapid, yet unbalanced economic growth as a result of $615 million in remittances from Albanians abroad (estimates: Bank of Albania annual report, 2001), and aid from the European Union (EU) and other sources. The spending of remittances and aid has fuelled a building boom, but there was no clear sense of how Albania would use the window of opportunity opened by remittances and aid to develop a viable economy. The optimistic scenario is that remittances and investments from Albanians abroad will produce an economic take off based on value–added food production and tourism in the “Switzerland of the Balkans”. The pessimistic scenario is that corruption and divided government will prevent the development of a successful economic strategy, and that low wages, high unemployment, and inadequate services such as health care and education will prompt the continued emigration of young and educated Albanians. Potential best practices include: joint Italian–Albanian marine patrols to discourage smuggling and trafficking in small “fast boats”; Italy granting Albania at least 6,000 work visas a year to publicize that there is a legal way to work in Italy, helping to discourage illegal migration; and bilateral and international assistance to enable Albania to develop laws and institutions to deal with foreigners transiting Albania, and foreigners requesting asylum in Albania. Albania does not, on the other hand, appear to be a best practice in managing the use of remittances to aid economic development. Although remittances play an important role in basic subsistence and construction of housing, there have been fewer efforts to encourage investment of these funds in infrastructure or productive activities. The banking system needs substantial reform to become a venue for transfer of remittances and source of credit for enterprise development. Albania would benefit from a more systematic examination of the lessons learned in other countries about the investment of remittances for economic development.     

Diasporic youth identities of uncertainty and hope: second-generation Albanian experiences of transnational mobility in an era of economic crisis in Greece

This paper explores various dimensions of ‘gender’ and ‘mobility’ among immigrant youth from a transnational perspective in an era of economic crisis. The extent and parameters of continuity, contestation and change in migrant youth identities are analysed and we suggest that neither gender nor identity are stable categories but are embedded in sociocultural particularities both in the country of residence (Greece) but also in the country of origin (Albania). Through in-depth interviews with 52 participants, all second-generation Albanian immigrants in Greece born to two Albanian parents, the paper addresses youth identification in relation to gendered representations of belonging. The narrative accounts that we have selected and analysed reflect the emotional challenges, constraints and creativity of Albanian youth.     

Migration Policy and Industrial Structure: The Case of Switzerland

Structural change in OECD countries, emphasizing knowledge‐based sectors, has led to an increasing demand for highly skilled labour. One means of meeting this demand has been to implement a selective immigration policy. Such policies, however, have been criticized for channelling labour into low‐producing sectors and occupations, hampering structural change. Proponents of such criticism point to Switzerland's former policy of channelling immigrants into so‐called seasonal sectors, a practice abandoned in the early 1990s, as having contributed to Switzerland's low growth rates. To assess this, we here analyse the amended migration policy's effects on skill structure and sectoral distribution of immigration flows using data from the Swiss Census of 1990 and 2000 to determine whether the new policy has led to an immigrant inflow more adapted to the processes of structural change. We find that the share of highly skilled immigrants has increased notably under the new migration policy. Our analysis also shows an important change in the sectoral focus of the new arrival inflow. Not only have fewer immigrants been entering declining sectors, but the majority of migrants arriving under the new policy regime have been absorbed into growing and knowledge‐based sectors, meaning they are employed primarily in service and knowledge‐intensive sectors. Overall, the analysis provides ample evidence that the current admission policy as ositively contributed to tructural change in Switzerland.     

Low-status work consequences on immigrant workers' organization: the cases of five immigrant groups in Athens

The article centres on the repercussions low-prestige work has on the collective organization and representation of immigrant workers. This micro-sociological analysis focuses on the cases of Egyptian, Albanian, Bangladeshi, Palestinian, and Philippine immigrants in Athens and how the frame of their work and their employment affects their participation in their immigrant work associations. Evidence from in-depth interviews proves that the majority of immigrants do not claim established workers' rights and do not seek membership in any unions. On the contrary, they rely on a network of friends and relatives for support and develop individual behaviours and alternative solutions to achieve survival and protection.     

The Banking Network as a Transmission Channel of Migrant Remittances: The Case of Greek and Italian Banks in Albania

The paper examines the role of the banking network of foreign banks, namely Greek and Italian banks, on the transfer of remittances of Albanian immigrants. Remittances through the official network that is formed mainly by the banking network, grew much higher in comparison to non-official network during the period 1994–2006. The paper finds that the growth of the amount of remittances conveyed through the official network as part of the total amount of remittances is related to the evolution of branches of Greek and Italian banks in Albania.

The causes of international labor migrations--a demand-determined approach

The author first studies the reasons why people migrate using a neoclassical approach concerning income differentials. He tests this approach empirically and demonstrates its limits. A demand-determination approach based on human capital theory is then outlined to overcome these limits and to take into account restrictive immigration controls. Migration from Italy, Spain, Greece, Portugal, and Turkey to the European Community destination countries is examined. It is concluded that "the demand for immigrants in the destination country is the decisive condition for the phenomenon of international labor migration, and the supply of migration-willing workers is only a necessary condition."     

The role of foreign workers in the seasonal fluctuations of the French economy

The few studies that have been carried out only take into account the annual inflows of seasonal immigrants. This present article covers 2 other aspects of the problem: 1) the seasonal nature of immigration in general and 2) above all the role of permanent immigrant workers in certain sectors influenced by seasonal changes. The number of permanent first-time immigrants is determined, among other causes, by the need for a certain seasonal regulation of overall economic activity. The role of the foreign work force is o fparticular importance in 3 sectors influenced by seasonal changes, and it fulfills a function of seasonal regulation of activity in at least 2 of these sectors: the building trade and agriculture. However, the recognition of the need for seasonal regulation has been used as a pretext for making employment more unstable, in particular for permanent immigrant workers, many of whom cannot find work for the whole year. Seasonal work also plays a key role in agriculture and the hotel trade. Moreover, the part played by illegal immigrants is decisive, not only in these 2 sectors, but throughout the illegal labor market. In the years to come it is likely that seasonal immigration will continue to fall perhaps by half, as a result of mechanization in general, its application in grape-harvesting, and the adoption of new farming techniques. However, it will probably remain sufficiently high to make up for the lack of a national reserve of seasonal labor, especially in vegetable and fruit farming, lumbering, and catering. Seasonal immigration will doubtlessly continue also because it puts a downward pessure on the average wage and makes employment more precarious. It also constitutes a reserve of illegal labor, which can be used in sectors which have a crucial impact on the balance of goods and services in France. These advantages for the French government and employers are above all disadvantages for the seasonal immigrant workers themselves, whose living and health conditions are increasingly catastrophic.     

Are Migrants Overrepresented Among Individual Welfare Beneficiaries?

The level of immigrant welfare dependency is the subject of heated debate in the majority of developed countries, which have experienced a significant increase in immigration in recent years. In both Europe and the US, the problem of potential excessive use of social transfers is beginning to bring real policy consequences. This article addresses this issue by presenting a quantitative assessment of welfare receipt in 17 European countries, as well as Yun decomposition of its differences between natives and immigrants. It adds to existing literature by comparing the levels of welfare dependence among EU and non-EU migrants for individual benefits including and excluding pensions, using recent data from EU-SILC. Results suggest that immigrants rely on welfare less often than natives, and receive lower benefits when they do. Those conclusions are reversed, however, when old-age benefits are not considered – especially in the case of non-EU migrants.     

Immigrants working with co‐ethnics: Who are they and how do they fare?

Participation in ethnic economies has been regarded as an alternative avenue of economic adaptation for immigrants and minorities in major immigrant‐receiving countries. This study examines one important dimension of ethnic economies: co‐ethnic concentration at the workplace. Using a large national representative sample from Statistics Canada’s 2002 Ethnic Diversity Survey, this study addresses four questions: (1) what is the level of co‐ethnic concentration at the workplace for Canada’s minority groups? (2) How do workers who share the same ethnicity with most of their co‐workers differ from other workers in socio‐demographic characteristics? (3) Is higher level of co‐ethnic concentration at the workplace associated with lower earnings? (4) Is higher level of co‐ethnic concentration at the workplace associated with higher levels of life satisfaction? The results show that only a small proportion of immigrants and the Canadian‐born work in ethnically homogeneous settings. In Canada’s eight largest metropolitan areas about 10 per cent of non‐British/French immigrants share a same ethnic origin with the majority of their co‐workers. The level is as high as 20 per cent among Chinese immigrants and 18 per cent among Portuguese immigrants. Among Canadian‐born minority groups, the level of co‐ethnic workplace concentration is about half the level for immigrants. Immigrant workers in ethnically concentrated settings have much lower educational levels and proficiency in English/French. Immigrant men who work mostly with co‐ethnics on average earn about 33 per cent less than workers with few or none co‐ethnic coworkers. About two thirds of this gap is attributable to differences in demographic and job characteristics. Meanwhile, immigrant workers in ethnically homogenous settings are less likely to report low levels of life satisfaction than other immigrant workers. Among the Canadian‐born, co‐ethnic concentration is not consistently associated with earnings and life satisfaction.     

Undocumented migrants in Greece: issues of regularization

This article studies migration from Albania into Greece and schematically looks at the socio-economic integration and/or exclusion of Albanians.
It explores the issue of regularization: first, providing an explanation for the choices made by a government by using a simple game-theoretic framework and, second, it outlines the current efforts made towards regularization of undocumented migrants in Greece.
The game-theoretic example shows that, under certain conditions, the optimal policy for a government is not to legalize an illegal immigrant, whereas under different conditions the optimal policy is to regularize. These conditions relate to factors such as the relative magnitude of the government's payoffs which are in turn dependent on public opinion, lobbying activities, the presence of migrants' associations and the like.
The article then reviews the case of Greece, where initially migrant workers were not regularized whereas at present there exists a new legal framework for their regularization.
The character of Albanian migration into Greece reflects two things: the changing global nature of international migration and the way in which migrants in Southern Europe are embedded in the specific model of Southern European post-industrial society.


     

Social work in Greece in the time of austerity: challenges and prospects

The aim of this article is to critically assess the impact of austerity on social work in Greece and the main challenges that professionals face today. Within this context, this article argues that scarce resources and staff shortages have put social workers under extreme pressure and have limited their ability to respond to increased social needs. At a time when the individualized model that has prevailed in social work practices for decades seems to have reached its limits, a dialogue concerning the adoption of more progressive approaches such as radical social work and collective practices drawn from community work has already emerged in Greece and in other countries where professionals and society are facing similar challenges and problems incurred by neo-liberalism. The paper aims to participate in this dialogue by critically assessing the progress thus far. Although this dialogue remains weak and occurs mostly on an academic level at this time, adjusting a radical model of social work to the particularities of the Greek context and providing an effective guide for everyday practice may enhance its development.     

Second‐Generation “Return” to Greece: New Dynamics of Transnationalism and Integration

Based on in‐depth narrative interviews with 64 second‐generation Greek‐Germans and Greek‐Americans who have “returned” to Greece, this article explores intersections between return, transnationalism and integration. Having grown up with a strong Greek identity in the diaspora, second‐generation “returnees” move to Greece mainly for idealistic, lifestyle and life‐stage reasons. However, most find living in Greece long‐term a challenging experience: they remark on the corruption and chaos of Greek life, and are surprised at the high level of xenophobia in Greek society, not only towards foreign immigrants but also towards themselves as “hyphenated Greeks”. The “return” to Greece provokes new “reverse” transnational links back to their birth country, where they still need to keep in touch with relatives and friends, including caring obligations towards parents who remain abroad. Some contemplate another “return”, back to the US or Germany.

Policy Implications

• Policymakers responsible for integration should not assume that the second generation has no connections with its parents' country of origin.
• In the diasporic home country (in this case Greece), more effort should be made to facilitate the reintegration of the second generation returning ‘home’ and to break down discrimination towards hyphenated Greeks.
• Greek policymakers should pay heed to homecoming second‐generation Greeks in order to benefit from their bicultural insights into how Greek society can be improved, especially as regards efficient public services, transparent employment opportunities, better environment management, gender equality, and the elimination of racism and discrimination.

     

Documented,Undocumented, and Liminally Legal: Legal Status During the Transition to Adulthood for 1.5‐Generation Brazilian Immigrants

This article deconstructs the “illegal–legal” binary that characterizes much immigration scholarship. Using in‐depth interviews with 42 1.5‐generation Brazilian immigrants in young adulthood, I find that respondents discuss a distinct hierarchy with four categories of legal membership—undocumented, liminal legality, lawful permanent resident (LPR), and citizen—that affect their daily lives and incorporation. Liminally legal and LPR statuses in particular challenge this illegal–legal dichotomy. Liminal legality is an “in‐between” status in which immigrants possess social security numbers and work permits but have no guarantee of eventual citizenship. Without opportunities to regularize their status, both undocumented and liminally legal young adults face increased vulnerabilities to poverty and social exclusion. Liminally legal youth, however, are in better positions than their undocumented peers during early adulthood because of state‐delimited rights associated with their legal status.     

Towards a Coherent Policy of Co–Development

This paper seeks to demonstrate the major benefits that a dedicated policy of co–development can bring to three major actors affected by immigration: receiving states, countries of origin, and the immigrants themselves. True co–development involves sustained cooperation between receiving nations and source nations in the management of both legal and illegal migratory flows. At the same time, it fosters the economic and demographic development of both the sending and the receiving country. This cooperation is based in large measure on understanding that, more than ever before, the best migration policy for developed nations is one that seeks not to block, but to smoothly regulate the circulation and re–circulation of the majority of foreigners and immigrants. As a result, Northern countries will be able to concentrate the state’s limited control resources on selected targets such as criminals, delinquents, and migrants arrested multiple times for unauthorized entry or residence. Developed nations must recognize that the vast majority of immigrants wish to retain close links to their country of origin, and with drastically improved transportation and communication links, most migrants are increasingly able to do so. Northern states should adapt policies that, for the most part, accommodate immigrants’ wishes to maintain active ties to their homeland. Such measures are generally in the best interests of the receiving countries, source countries, and of course, the immigrants themselves. The various problems faced by these three main actors regarding migration as they seek to pursue activities in their best interest is considered, followed by the advantages that a policy of co–development has for these actors: for receiving nations in terms of meeting labour force needs, reducing demographic problems, and controlling illegal immigration; and for source countries in terms of increased access to visas, increased amounts and efficacy of remittances, and the return and re–circulation of skilled and seasonal workers, and retirees. The interests of the immigrants themselves will be considered at various points throughout the discussion, in the context of the effects that the various policies of receiving and sending countries will have on them.     

Labor Market Impact of Migration: Employment Structures and the Case of Greece1

The impact of migration on the labor markets of host countries has fueled research and policy debates. While the impact of migration on the employment opportunities and wages of natives has come under extensive focus, another dimension of labor market impact of migration apparent in the case of Greece, the relations under which work is performed, has attracted less attention. The prevalence of family‐based forms of production and the relatively limited extent of waged employment have log made Greece an outlier with respect to European employment structures. However, much of the work previously carried out within the framework of the family is now undertaken by migrants for wages. This substitution of unpaid family labor by migrant wage‐labor is contributing to the convergence of Greek employment structures with those of other countries of the European Union.     

Impact of the reversal of the migration situation on the social structures of certain countries: the case of Italy

During the past 20 years, Italy has changed from being a country with well-established traditions of emigration to a country of destination. Italy had achieved 1 of the highest economic growth rates in the world. Conditions in Italy are favorable for hundreds of thousands of immigrants from developing countries. Most immigrants settle in large cities and in the South; most are in Italy illegally, performing jobs which Italians do not want. The Act n.943 of January 27, 1987, 1 of the most advanced and most liberal unilateral legal texts has 2 sections: 1) the 1st section establishes regulations governing the admission and residence of foreigners and conditions under which they may enter employment and 2) the 2nd section concerns the regularization of all situations involving the illegal presence of the hundreds of thousands of workers who arrived in Italy before 1987. During the 1st year of implementation, the Act proved to be ideologically enviable but unsuitable in practice. Specifically, Italian consulates in developing countries have received very few applications for permanent residence permits, while clandestine immigration is continuing. Also, only about 14% of clandestine immigrants who arrived before 1987 have regularized their situations. Insufficient information and excessive red tape in the regularization procedures contributed to these results. However, the fundamental cause of failure is economic: migrants know that regularization would keep them out of the labor market and be followed by loss of job and unemployment. Italians are uninterested in the role of immigrants as new members of society; the migrants, in turn, do everything possible not to draw attention to their presence and their diversity. Still, most Italians view immigrants with suspicion. To prepare for the future, account must be taken of possible fluctuations in the economic situation of expanding receiving countries and of the impact which these fluctuations may have on the degree of acceptance of immigrants. To solve these problems Italy must, 1) have a rational, realistic, and comprehensive approach to medium-term planning;2) use official development assistance to carry out labor-intensive projects in the partner country, to reduce the pressure to migrate; 3) base the planning of migration policy on the establishment of admission criteria for immigrants; 4) treat immigrants fairly and promote integration that respects their cultural identity; and 5) achieve international and multilateral coordination and consultation for migration policies.