村寨自然领袖是自然成长的民主制的产物——建国前广西瑶苗、侗族村寨头人问题管见

建国前,广西大瑶山瑶族的社会组织是石牌制度,其头人叫石牌头人;大苗山融水苗族是"寨老制"或竖岩组织,寨老是这一组织的首领;三江侗族的是款组织,款有款首,也叫寨老.根据文史资料,石碑头人、寨老和款首,是村寨的自然领袖.何谓自然领袖,如何看待其权力和地位,及其对民区域自治的意义,本文就这些问题谈点看法.自然形成,这是村寨自然领袖的总特征.具体说:(1)他们不是自封的,也不是世袭的,而是在村寨群众信任基础上推举的.(2)被推举为村寨首领条件,除了苗族、侗族中有是否长者的资历限制外,不受财产多寡的限制,凡带头遵守本民族村寨的法权习惯,办事公道,有判断力.能言善辩,并     

民族村寨旅游开发中的利益补偿制度研究

在分析我国事实上存在的民族村寨旅游开发中的利益补偿制度和现有的补偿理论基础上,比照生物资源补偿机制构建民族村寨旅游开发中的利益补偿制度是比较可行的.但在具体的民族村寨旅游开发中利益补偿方式的选择上则要考虑传统社区的实际,因地制宜地选取合适的方式,传统文化的集体管理是比较适合西部传统社区的一种民族村寨旅游开发中的利益补偿的运作方式.     

少数民族传统文化法治功能的释放与基层社会治理能力的提升——“广西民族乡法治状况研究”之三

少数民族优秀传统文化具有多重的社会功能,它不仅是当地的传统道德资源及现代旅游资源,而且突显出了蓬勃的法治功能,成为我国当代基层社会治理中难得的法治资源.广西民族乡蕴藏着多姿多彩的优秀传统文化,构建与之相适的运作机制,必定能使其在基层社会治理中发挥出强大的正能量.它们不仅为国家法治提供了丰富的制度来源,而且对法治具有辅助作用,同时对国家公共行政发挥着极为重要的分担和加功作用.     

壮族的都老制及其蜕变

都老(或称寨老) 组织是壮族传统社会中家庭之上的社会组织,亦是壮族土著社会的最高民间组织。这一组织的运作便是都老制度。关于这种制度,史籍亦有零星记载。《隋书·地理志》云:“诸僚铸铜为大鼓”。其“俗好相攻,多构仇怨,欲相攻则鸣此鼓,到者如云。有鼓者号为‘都老’,群情推服。”《宋史》卷495亦有类似的记载。壮族的“都老制”千年传袭,迄于解放前夕,广西上思、龙胜等地的壮族人中,还存在着比较完整的都老制。由于都老制在壮族历史上延续很久,考察其内涵及演变过程,就觉得很有必要了。     

贵州麻塘家人传统服饰蜡染图案探析与创新设计

家蜡染是贵州蜡染的代表,其图案构成形式具有鲜明的艺术特色。本文在对麻塘寨进行实地考察的基础上,以寨中三位蜡染传承人收藏的70余件家传统蜡染服饰为研究对象,分析家蜡染图案的传统造型方法,总结其造型特点,探讨图案背后的家文化与造物思想,并对其进行创新设计,以期在有效传承的基础上发扬传统民族服饰文化。     

广西隆林洞沟屯苗寨调查

少数民族村寨民居是具有地域文化特点的生活居所,承载着本民族的悠久历史和传统文化。通过对广西隆林县猪场乡那伟村洞沟屯苗族村寨的走访调查,记录干栏式花苗民居建筑的现状,分析当地传统民居在保护与发展过程中遇到的现实问题,提出根本为人、枕栏而居、眼前有景的传承保护设想,以期促进少数民族传统民居的保护、传承与发展。     

广西隆林洞沟屯苗寨调查

少数民族村寨民居是具有地域文化特点的生活居所,承载着本民族的悠久历史和传统文化.通过对广西隆林县猪场乡那伟村洞沟屯苗族村寨的走访调查,记录干栏式花苗民居建筑的现状,分析当地传统民居在保护与发展过程中遇到的现实问题,提出根本为人、枕栏而居、眼前有景的传承保护设想,以期促进少数民族传统民居的保护、传承与发展.     

民族旅游村寨文化话语权转移研究——以贵州西江千户苗寨为例

村寨社区居民作为民族文化的主人,在民族村寨旅游开发中应当拥有文化话语权,否则将会造成民族文化真实性丧失,不利于民族传统文化的传承和保护以及民族村寨旅游的可持续发展。基于米歇尔·福柯(Michel Foucault)的话语理论,以贵州西江千户苗寨为例,对民族村寨旅游开发中文化话语权的转移现象进行深入的田野调查,探讨文化话语权转移的表现、转移背后的权力解读、转移的模式以及解决措施。     

民族村寨的衰落:组织排斥、经济边缘化与文化断裂

本文以西南地区某一民族村寨为个案,分析了民族村寨衰落的逻辑,即在地区开发的大背景下,市场跟行政力量结合起来侵入民族村寨共同体,村委会等基层组织通过把持组织进入许可形成对青年人的组织排斥,进而迫使青年人进入边缘经济或外出务工.外出打工过程中学到某种流行文化并将其带回家乡应用到边缘经济中,造成本土文化传承的实际断裂.由此,民族村寨在政治、经济和文化等三个层面从本土脉络中剥离,进入了一个衰落的循环路径.但村寨的未来也许并不会因此暗淡,通过村民对村寨公共物品的自发提供过程的考察,发现共同体的内生性力量可能在于村民的自组织行动.     

民族村寨后乡土秩序建构研究

本研究基于社会认同理论与制度理论,运用内容分析法、参与观察法及访谈法,通过对云南省普洱市芒景村寨村规民约的实证分析,探究旅游发展背景下民族村寨后乡土秩序的构建机制。结果发现:第一,民族旅游村寨的村规民约主要通过告诫形式引导村民行为,且其效力的属地主义原则性强,注重对集体资产的管理及传统文化与环境的保护;第二,民族旅游村寨村民社会认同是乡土秩序建构的重要组成部分,包括族群认同、地方村民及其特定行为认同;第三,法制与礼俗的融合是民族旅游村寨乡土秩序建构的路径机制,主要通过明确管理中的权利和义务的法制管理与遵从传统民族文化美德的礼俗约束两种形式实现有效融合,且族群和谐与村寨发展是民族旅游村寨乡土秩序建构的走向与目标。     

论明清时期的土舍

土舍在土司家族中具有不可忽视的地位 ,它同早期的土司一样是由土目转化而来 ,之后又转化为不同级别的土司及土司自署官员。揭秘土舍问题系揭开土司政治家族化内幕的关键。本文以明清时期两次“改土归流”之间的历史事件为背景 ,对土司管区土舍的源流、官僚化、类型、职权诸问题作了较为系统的考察     

社会控制体系的重构与壮族和谐社会建设--壮族和谐社会建设研究之一

重构社会控制体系,完善、加强对社会失范行为的社会控制,是建设当代和谐社会的基础性任务。壮族传统法律文化中的先进理念,为社会控制体系的重构提供了有益的借鉴。在构建新的社会控制体系的过程中,应注意充分利用传统法律文化的本土资源以及国家赋予的自治权和立法权,注重从当前壮族社会所面临的现实问题出发,来制定适合壮族实际情况的法律、法规,为当代壮族构建社会主义和谐社会服务。     

西藏农村的宗教权威及其公共服务--对于西藏农区五村的案例分析

本文对西藏农区五村中宗教权威的现状进行了考察和分析,认为自改革开放以来,西藏农村的宗教权威再度成为影响村庄政治的重要力量,但由于他们多不具有沟通政府、拓展市场、寻求资源等促进经济发展的能力,因此在村庄政治中的影响受到制度性的限制。本文还对西藏农区五村中各类宗教权威及其公共服务活动做了描述,认为宗教权威的活动满足了村民的精神需求,对普遍信教的村庄社会具有重要意义。宗教权威的公共服务活动有助于创造村庄互助、和谐的社会氛围,强化村庄内部的凝聚力,从而对村级组织的公共服务供给形成一种“文化支持”,有利于村民福利的改善。     

传统生态知识运用与民族村寨的保护与发展经验——以台湾地区山美村邹族为例

市场经济条件下,在民族村寨保护与发展过程中充分挖掘本民族在生存发展中创造的地方性知识,创造有民族特色的保护手段和模式具有重要意义.我国台湾地区山美村经验是要重视本民族传统知识的挖掘与应用、保障村民充分享受保护与发展利益、加强民族内部团结并谨慎引入商业财团.     

四川少数民族村寨旅游扶贫模式转变研究

In 2012 , State Ethnic Affairs Com-mission of the People’ s Republic of China( hereaf-ter SEAC ) announced an outline concerning the protection and development of‘ethnic minority vil-lages with special characteristics ’ . The develop-ment of such villages is one of the important tasks of the State Ethnic Affairs Commission:this devel-opment aims to foster the conservation of ethnic culture and to accelerate the development of the ethnic areas in which these villages lie. On Sep-tember 23 , 2014 , the State Ethnic Affairs Com-mission announced guanyu minming shoupi zhong-guo shaoshu minzu tese chunzhai de tongzhi ( No-tice on the Naming of the First Group of China ’ s Ethnic Minority Villages with Special Characteris-tics):340 villages in total were inscribed into the list of this so-called ‘First Batch ’ , among which four villages of Sichuan province were included:( i) Jiefang village of Haqu in Leshan, ( ii) Mutuo Village of Maoxian in Aba, ( iii) Shangmo Village of Songfan in Aba, and ( iv) Guza Village of Seda in Ganzi. With the support of the so-called‘Poverty Al-leviation Policy’ , tourism in ethnic minority villa-ges has been booming; however, this has also re-sulted in a new series of related problems that need to be addressed. Tourism development obviously had reduced regional poverty. Since the 1980s, the promotion of economic development through tourism in the ethnic areas ( with a corresponding improvement of people ’ s living conditions ) has been widely accepted by society. Also in the prov-ince of Sichuan the ‘poverty alleviation through tourism’ policy has led to economic growth and has reduced the poverty of the people in the ethnic mi-nority areas. From 2011 to 2014, the SEAC has invested 57. 8 million Yuan in the development of ethnic minority villages in Sichuan province. This has led to the implementation of 73 projects and has benefited around 100,000 people, 7 indige-nous ethnic groups, and 11 prefectures and munic-ipalities in Sichuan. It seems that this‘poverty al-leviation through tourism ’ ( hereafter PATT ) has resulted in good economic and social effects. Ethnic minority villages in Sichuan share sim-ilar challenges: ( i) a low level of production and productivity,economic backwardness, simplistic e-conomic infrastructure, cultural narrow-minded-ness, a low level of education and personal devel-opment, and a fragile condition of local nature and cultural surroundings. Moreover, tourism has since deeply altered previous development models for these regions: this has also brought many new problems, like e. g. how to correctly distribute the newly acquired economic benefits and profits, as well as cultural and environmental protection is-sues. Many of these problems seem to be only tran-sitional;however, these challenges do ask for the necessary tweaks of the PATT policies. This article thus tries to review the model of PATT as imple-mented in the ethnic villages of Sichuan. The arti-cle explores its different stages/aspects:( i) adap-tation of goals, ( ii) the changing role of the gov-ernment, ( iii) an evolving profit model for local people, and ( iv ) evolving local talent discovery and activation. The first aspect of PATT is the change of the development goals. At first, the priority is to get rid of poverty through tourism. To initially boost local tourism, the government must make major in-vestments: enhancement of the basic infrastruc-ture, creation of a touristic brand and initial adver-tising for the ethnic villages. However, when the PATT has been effectively implemented, and reached a mature stage of development, i. e. the village has become relatively popular and annual numbers of tourists have reached a stable good lev-el, the goals must be adapted: economic develop-ment should change to sustainable development. The new goals would be a combination of local tourism and local related industries, such as handi-craft products, catering and other hospitality busi-nesses etc. When all of this takes place, the eth-nic villages and areas seem to be able to arrive at a green and sustainable development path. The second stage is the change of the role of government. As said, in the beginning large in-vestments in infrastructure, tourism marketing and publicity are needed. In this start-up stage, the village needs quite a lot of human and material re-sources. Without the financial and human aid of the government, it’ s very hard to change a local ethnic minority village into a tourist destination. Hence, the government should play a supportive role during the initial stages of tourism develop-ment, while taking the local villagers ’ will and ethnic culture into consideration: the government should consult with the villagers and encourage the villagers’ participation in the whole development process. When indeed the PATT reaches a mature phase, the local people can take over. By then the locals have gained much experience;their attitudes and business skills have sufficiently improved so the government can take a step back, leaving the villagers to further develop the villages by them-selves. The third aspect is an ‘evolving profit model for local people ’ . During the initial stages of PATT, it’ s all about developing basic tourism pro-jects: at this moment, the main profit models for businesses rely on ( a) ethnic culture projects with distinct characteristics, ( b ) establishing high quality modes of the tourists route, and ( c) pro-moting the unique name and fame of the villages. However, when PATT reaches a mature stage, the villagers themselves must further develop and maintain their unique brand and fame. As said, the government takes a step back while local peo-ple are to develop new related sustainable profit models. The fourth issue is the further evolution of‘local talent discovery and activation ’ or‘talent mechanisms’ . Before the initial stages of PATT in Sichuan, the local villagers of the ethnic minorities had been engaged in traditional agriculture for many years;hence it was difficult for them to tran-sition into modern industries such as tourism and hospitality. Moreover, there were very few locals who had any knowledge of this tourism/hospitality industry. E. g. only some elderly people conducted simplistic tour guide practices for tourists: they were unable to provide any in-depth explanations of the traditional ethnic customs and culture due to language barriers. Thus, outsiders ( including gov-ernment staff and tourism professionals ) had to come in and provide advanced concepts, methods, and training. More importantly, a new ‘local tal-ent team’ had to discover and activate local people with tourism talents/abilities. This allowed for a genuine local tourism industry to come into exist-ence and further evolve. However, when PATT reaches a mature stage, the government should re-turn the economic benefits back to the local people and give them the dominant right to further self-de-velopment. A newly developed professional middle class will then allow the local people to further de-cide on the future of the ethnic villages. After the initial ‘local talent discovery and activation ’ , a more mature ‘talent mechanism ’ should be formed. Led by the best local talents, people from all circles should be encouraged to take part in the further development of the local villages and areas:this allows for greater stability and continuity, while new talents can develop more. This article has analyzed the implementation and adaptation of PATT in the province of Si-chuan, including the ( i) adaptation of goals, ( ii) the changing role of the government, ( iii) an evol-ving profit model for local people, and ( iv) evol-ving local talent discovery and activation. Howev-er, the development of ethnic minority villages still seems to face many difficulties and challenges, and need to be studied and discussed more.     

三种权力体系冲突下的村庄——宁夏海原县山门村的人类学考察

本文从福柯的权力 -知识理论概念出发 ,对影响宁夏海原县山门村的三种权力体系 (国家权力体系、宗教权力体系、市场权力体系 )进行了分析。三种权力体系在不同层次上作用于山门村村民以及三者之间的冲突 ,共同创造了山门村当前的情境     

师儒与官绅：传统中国治水社会的士绅研究述评

Already for quite some time, the u-nique power structure of the traditional Chinese so-ciety has been viewed and discussed in the field of humanities and social sciences. Focusing on the status and role of its gentry class, Chinese and Western scholars have deeply researched the gen-eral characteristics of the political structure in the traditional Chinese society. And the analysis of the interaction between different social groups from the perspective of the traditional Chinese ‘hydraulic ’ structure has even gradually deepened and expand-ed this research topic. This paper looks at relevant research conducted by former scholars like e. g. Weber, Wittfogel, and Fei Xiaotong while attemp-ting to come to a more historic understanding of the relationship between the imperial power and the gentry class within the power structure of tradition-al Chinese society: this essay indeed focuses on the political status and social function of the gentry class in the traditional Chinese hydraulic society. Based on the research findings of scholars like Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill, and Karl Heinrich Marx, Weber pointed out that in Eastern societies there was a certain relationship between the autoc-racy and the local irrigation-based agriculture. And Weber believed that the relationship between the autocratic imperial power and the more local Con-fucian gentry was the key to understanding the po-litical structure of the Chinese society. At that time and place, the local water management-projects, other entrenched bureaucracies, the respected Confucian gentry, as well as the central imperial power were all intertwined together; this shaped a unique form of political power in traditional China. By borrowing Marx’ s concept of ‘the Asiatic mode of production’ , Wittfogel discussed the rela-tionship between ( i ) the political autocracy and ( ii) indigenous irrigation projects in Eastern socie-ties, seen from the perspective of political econom-ics. He proposed that the political autocracy was a result of the social functioning of hydraulic pro-jects, and briefly described the Eastern society as an ‘Oriental-authoritarian ’ society under the rule of an ‘absolute monarchy’ . In the eyes of Wittfo-gel, the traditional Chinese gentry was just a bu-reaucratic group attached to the totalitarian rule:their power did not draw from their own knowledge monopoly of value ethics and ritual standards, but solely from their power-relationship with the des-potic ruler. According to Wittfogel, the‘hydraulic society’ , totalitarian rule, bureaucratic groupings, and imperial power were all intertwined and togeth-er made up the government form of the traditional Chinese society. While Weber described the gentry as reputa-ble Confucian intellectuals, Wittfogel regarded them as mere bureaucrats firmly attached to the to-talitarian rule. In contrast with the Western schol-ars’ too simple view of the ‘gentry group’, Chi-nese scholars have emphasized that this ‘gentry group’ was an organism made up of bureaucrats and literati:they not only participated in local gov-ernance and cultural activities, but they also lived and passed on the inheritance of Confucian ortho-dox ideology. Fei Xiaotong stressed constantly that the tradi-tional Chinese political system wasn ’ t completely arbitrary;instead it was closely related to the so-cial class of the scholar-officials ( a combination of the bureaucrats and gentry within Chinese socie-ty) . Fei stated that the traditional Chinese society had a‘bottom-up’ or‘secondary/parallel’ track:this ‘informal track’ made it possible for the ordi-nary people to pass on their opinions to top level people. Guided by tao-t’ung ( Confucian orthodox-y) , the scholar-intellectuals were able to influence political power by expressing their opinions and by putting forward a set of ethical principles. Al-though they had no part in real political power, they still maintained a social prestige. As a buffer between imperial power and the common people, the scholar-officials could not only extend the pow-er of the monarch to the far corners of society, but they also could properly protect the interests of farmers through some informal channels outside of the system. In the view of Yu Yingshi, the scholar-offi-cials not only were royal officers but also teachers of the emperor: that is why they could exert con-straint to autocratic imperial power. Nevertheless, autocratic imperial power also constrained them. Even so, the bureaucrats and gentry kept alive the tao-t’ung in traditional Chinese political life, which safeguarded basic social values. However, the strength of tao-t’ung was always weaker than that of the royal power, therefore, Chinese society did have a tendency of ‘oriental despotism’ described by Wittfogel. In the study of Zhang Yahui, the scholar-offi-cial group was positioned right in middle of the so-ciety: this allowed them to work upwardly and downwardly. They thus could ( i) cooperate with the public to fight against the rulers ’ invasion of local life, and they ( ii) could compromise and a-gree with the rulers as to construct a new harmoni-ous coexistence model. His study reemphasized the historical role of the scholar-official group in keep-ing social harmony. In this study, the scholar-offi-cial group on one hand counterbalanced the central power’ s interference with local affairs, and on the other hand shaped more reasonable identities of the central power, acceptable for local communities. Zhang Yahui’ s study reminds us that-in the tradi-tional Chinese society-authoritarian rulers, the scholar-official group, and the public interlaced with, constrained, and supported each other, and thus constituted the overall picture of the traditional China. The scholar-official group thus was a major force in maintaining the social cohesion of the tra-ditional Chinese society. When indeed we consider both the ‘master-scholars’ and ‘bureaucrats’-the two special components of Chinese scholar-official class-we can better understand the characteristics of the vivid and interactive relationships between the rulers, the scholar-officials, and the local com-mon people. In other words, only when we recog-nize these two aspects of the gentry class, can we see the ‘unifying mechanism ’ of the traditional Chinese society;this allows us to develop a clearer social and historical picture of the traditional Chi-nese interaction between imperial power, scholarly power, and civil rights. To get to this new under-standing of the power structure of the traditional Chinese hydraulic society, we need to critically re-view all sorts of other simplified understandings of the period gentry group.     

论传统客家村落的纷争处理程序 --闽西武北村落的田野调查研究

传统客家村落的纷争处理程序是客家研究中一个重要而饶有兴趣的问题,但迄今尚未见有专文论述.本文试图在田野调查的基础上,结合相关历史文献,以闽西武平县北部村落为例,就传统客家村落纷争处理的几种形式、程序及其背景进行比较深入的探讨.文章认为,传统客家村落的纷争处理程序反映出,其社会管理主要依靠民间组织,实行的是基层自治,宗族领袖、地方精英在村落社区事务中发挥着组织、协调的作用,体现了村落社区内部高度的调控能力.另一方面,客家村落社会控制还存在着部落社会的种种痕迹,从一个侧面反映了客家社会文化中的非汉族因素及其法律发展的文化背景.     

“微言”与“大义”：微信使用对乡村精英权威构建的影响——对大理白族村落的田野考察

数字时代背景下,乡村精英也在移动互联网的影响中经历着转化。文章以云南一个白族传统村落为研究个案,考察当地乡村精英群体的微信生活。研究发现,精英身份和意识赋予他们技术使用的独特性,微信对精英群体的权威建构发挥了新的影响和作用。具体来说,乡村精英通过对微信技术的积极运用,在巩固象征性资源、拓展社会关系网络、激发公共生活的参与度等方面形成了新的权威构建方式。文章试图从新媒体技术的角度去探究微信和乡村精英权威身份构建的方式以及技术带给村落社会的重要影响和意义。     

传统村落旅游开发模式演变:以南岗古排“复兴”为例

基于田野调查,在村落转型过程中以"人-村"离合的视角考察了南岗古排旅游开发模式的演变过程。通过对南岗古排旅游开发过程中当地村民、地方政府以及外来企业等不同主体的行动策略分析,认为在传统村落旅游开发模式的实践中,地方政府和外来企业一定要尊重当地村民的主体性地位,实现政府和外来企业以及当地村民三者间的良性联动。