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1.
历史文化遗产具有多种功能和价值,功能和价值之间既有联系又有区别,它们不是一一对应的,既能相辅相承又存在着一定的矛盾.历史文化遗产的价值大小取决于其功能的大小,而且价值的大小又随着人们对遗产功能认识程度的改变而改变,既不能过分地强调遗产的功能也不能片面地注重遗产的价值,只有正确地认识到遗产功能和价值之间的联系和区别,才能充分发挥遗产给人类历史文化带来的重大意义. 相似文献
2.
日本文化遗产保护运动的历史和今天 总被引:7,自引:0,他引:7
从亚洲来看 ,日本在传统文化遗产保护方面处于领先地位。文章综述了日本文化遗产保护运动的历史过程和诸多立法及对人类文化遗产保护的特殊贡献。 相似文献
3.
少数民族口头和非物质文化遗产的价值审视 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
本文基于对我国少数民族口头与非物质文化遗产价值内涵的分析,通过语言学、历史学、民俗学、艺术学、天文学、医药学等多学科观点及实例的阐释,对少数民族口头与非物质文化遗产的价值进行了审视。 相似文献
4.
在隆重纪念毛泽东同志诞辰100周年之际,我作为十八军的一位老同志,重温毛主席解决西藏问题所作的一系列重要指示,感到格外亲切。西藏和平解放已经42年,各方面都发生了翻天覆地的变化,深深感到毛主席这些重要指示和论述不仅在过去和平解放西藏、民主改革和建设时期产生过重大影响,而且现在和将来对于西藏和驻藏部队的改革和建设,仍具有极为重要的指导意义。下面,我着重从毛泽东同志关于和平解放西藏一系列重要论述的历史地位和作用,谈谈自己的认识和体会。一、西藏革命和建设的重要法宝毛泽东解决西藏问题的一系列重要论述的历史地… 相似文献
5.
地处中西交通之要道的新疆,千百年来孕育和积淀了丰厚而璀璨的多元文化,其中包括为数众多的少数民族文化遗产;然而历史上,新疆文化遗产却屡遭劫难;作为中国文化遗产重要组成部分的新疆少数民族文化遗产,有其独特而曲折的保护历程,对其进行历史的回顾与审视,是当今文化遗产保护的必然要求. 相似文献
6.
民族主义 ,所遭受的褒贬是非也许是最多的了 ,总体来说是“贬”多于“褒”、“非”多于“是”。但是 ,民族主义毕竟已经存活数百年了 ,总是时隐时现、时弱时强 ,可见其生命力。本文试图分析民族主义的历史作为和现实功能 ,以便我们对之有个比较客观的认识和评价。 相似文献
7.
The understanding of the traditional research of Kangding Guozhuo mainly covers four aspects:1 ) It is widely believed in the academic world that the Guozhuang ( meaning singing and dancing in a circle ) of Kangding was a unique product which combined politics, economics and culture together. 2) It was a specific business form based on the family unit, fulfilling multiple func ̄tions such as an inn, a shed, a commodity inter ̄mediary, an administrative office, a commodity transformation point, and a banking establishment. And it was also a place for cultural exchange be ̄tween the Tibetans and the Han . 3 ) The formation of Guozhuang culture establishes a new element in the culture of the Tibetan-Yi corridor. 4 ) Zheng Shaoxiong mentions that the Guozhuangzhu ( the Guozhuang host ) had played an intermediary role in assisting the Tibetan businessmen to sell or pur ̄chase goods - this helped to maintain the trade relations between the Han and Tibetans ( or their communication) . This kind of ingenious institu ̄tional arrangement was a historical practice in keeping the balance of the relationship between different cultural communities, such as the Qing court, Tusi ( native officials ) and the Guozhuang host of Kangding. It reflects the wisdom in ethnic interactions, and can be borrowed in present ethnic regional autonomous system.
The above mentioned understanding is a result of study from the perspective of history, ethnology or economics. Although Zheng Shaoxiong’s re ̄search was born from the old mindset, and pro ̄posed the new value of Guozhuang cultural mecha ̄nism, there is still a lack of research on this cul ̄ture from such comprehensive perspectives as ur ̄ban history, cultural anthropology, and economic anthropology. Thus it cannot fully reveal the fea ̄ture and value of Kangding Guozhuang, a complex cultural phenomenon.
Based on existing data, past research, and fieldwork on the oral history of Kangding Guozhuang conducted in August 2013 , this article gives some new interpretations to the features of Guozhuang culture from an interdisciplinary per ̄spective as follows:
1 ) The forever “48 Guozhuang” are a Kang ̄ding urban memory, which displays the common cultural psychology of regarding Kangding as an important trade city of the Han and Tibetans; and Guozhuang carries a folk cultural memory of more than 200 years. After the gaitu guiliu policy ( re ̄placement of native officials with centrally appoint ̄ed officials) in the late Qing period, the number of newly appeared Guozhuang even reached 60 to 70 .“Although each of them had its own courtyard, and people also called them Guozhuang, they were still quite different from the 48 Guozhuang in the minds of the Kangding people”. This not only in ̄dicates that the 48 Guozhuang within the orthodox system were deeply rooted in the hearts of the local people, but also reflects that Guozhuang were re ̄garded as the most proper carrier for the communi ̄cation between the Han and Tibetan during the late Qing period, otherwise so many Guozhuang court ̄yards would not have appeared in history.
2 ) From the name to its architectural form, or function, a Guozhuang was influenced by the Han culture, however, it still had strong Tibetan char ̄acteristics. Actually it could be regarded as a min ̄iature of local culture of Kangding. Every Guozhuang had its own Tibetan name and Chinese name. The architectural style of the Guozhuang was actually different from traditional multiple -level blockhouse. There was always a courrtyard, and it was larger than that of Han. The vast court ̄yard was not only a space for the Tibetan business ̄man to cook food and boil tea, but also a space for organizing their entertainment activities, such as singing and dancing in a circle. You Tai, a minis ̄ter of the Qing dynasty in Tibetan areas, recorded a grand dancing party organized by the local Tusi to welcome his arrival, which reflected the significant position of the Guozhuang in cultural activities. The upper-class of the Kham area, including Tusi and the Guozhuang host, tried to build a close re ̄lationship with both Tibetan and Han in all means, including the title, kinship relation or customs, and successfully built up a central zone on which both sides can be understood. It was just due to the special geographical location and cultural tradi ̄tion that made the reconstruction of a cross cultural buffer zone possible.
3 ) The managers of the Guozhuang were mainly the hostesses ( Ajia Kaba in Tibetan lan ̄guage) , and this also reflected a kind of feminism in Kham culture. The tradition of the Dong nv guo ( East Kingdom of Women ) enabled the women to run their business in and out of the family. When the tea trade started, the Guozhuang host had to spend much of their energy on providing service to the Tusi, so the Guozhuang hostess took the re ̄sponsibility of managing the business of the Guozhuang. Ajia normally controlled the initiative of negotiation in the Han-Tibetan trade, and they played the role of interpreters in the negotiation. There were many live -in son -in -laws in the family of the Guozhuang and this kind of marriage was even more popular in the period from the late Qing dynasty to the Republican era.
If we conduct an analysis of the value of Kangding Guozhuang from multiple dimensions, we would notice that the existence of the non-market interpersonal model in this institution, on some certain degree, had solved the problem of the lack of social cohesion resulting from marketization. From this angle, the value of Guozhuang culture in the improvement of the economic institutions of the market cannot be ignored.
This fieldwork also reflects the significant and comprehensive influence of the Guozhuang cultural heritage of Kangding. When viewed from this an ̄gle, its value is incredible. According to the data collected from the fieldwork, all the people, inclu ̄ding officials, scholars, businessman and ordinary people, are aware that the Guozhuang is a cultural heritage which has a high and comprehensive val ̄ue. If the relevant government bodies could in ̄clude it into the scope of heritage protection, and build it into a cultural space of intangible cultural heritage, it will have a much higher heritage val ̄ue , and play an important role both in the econom ̄ic development and construction of harmonious eth ̄nic relationships.
The Kangding Guozhuang also played a role in the deconstruction of the Han - Tibetan social structure - this kind of value can not only be in ̄troduced to the present world and influence the fu ̄ture world, but also can be seen as a hub which connects the “ancient” and “modern” Han -Ti ̄betan relations. Traditionally, there was a structur ̄al rule in the communications between the Han and Tibetan, namely that “the Han and Tibetans are somewhat separated from each other ”, however, the Guozhuang model in Kangding deconstructed this Han-Tibetan rule. This was closely related to elements such as social composition, ways of life, marriage, family, kinship, and religious customs. The disappearance of Guozhuang also has its own causes, for instance, the absence of inheritors and failure in operation of this system. However, this article proposes that it is mainly influenced by the social reforms in the historical process. Hence, that is the reason why modern enterprises which re ̄tain certain connotations of the Guozhuang could re-appear in the Kang area. In the survey, we no ̄tice that some enterprises have already made efforts in this regard. In summary, Kangding Guozhuang had creatively formed a security institution with a more humanized nature, and played an important role in the alleviation of social tensions in ethnic areas. Contemporary society, composed as it is of people with multi-ethnic backgrounds, still needs this kind of “deconstruction”. 相似文献
The above mentioned understanding is a result of study from the perspective of history, ethnology or economics. Although Zheng Shaoxiong’s re ̄search was born from the old mindset, and pro ̄posed the new value of Guozhuang cultural mecha ̄nism, there is still a lack of research on this cul ̄ture from such comprehensive perspectives as ur ̄ban history, cultural anthropology, and economic anthropology. Thus it cannot fully reveal the fea ̄ture and value of Kangding Guozhuang, a complex cultural phenomenon.
Based on existing data, past research, and fieldwork on the oral history of Kangding Guozhuang conducted in August 2013 , this article gives some new interpretations to the features of Guozhuang culture from an interdisciplinary per ̄spective as follows:
1 ) The forever “48 Guozhuang” are a Kang ̄ding urban memory, which displays the common cultural psychology of regarding Kangding as an important trade city of the Han and Tibetans; and Guozhuang carries a folk cultural memory of more than 200 years. After the gaitu guiliu policy ( re ̄placement of native officials with centrally appoint ̄ed officials) in the late Qing period, the number of newly appeared Guozhuang even reached 60 to 70 .“Although each of them had its own courtyard, and people also called them Guozhuang, they were still quite different from the 48 Guozhuang in the minds of the Kangding people”. This not only in ̄dicates that the 48 Guozhuang within the orthodox system were deeply rooted in the hearts of the local people, but also reflects that Guozhuang were re ̄garded as the most proper carrier for the communi ̄cation between the Han and Tibetan during the late Qing period, otherwise so many Guozhuang court ̄yards would not have appeared in history.
2 ) From the name to its architectural form, or function, a Guozhuang was influenced by the Han culture, however, it still had strong Tibetan char ̄acteristics. Actually it could be regarded as a min ̄iature of local culture of Kangding. Every Guozhuang had its own Tibetan name and Chinese name. The architectural style of the Guozhuang was actually different from traditional multiple -level blockhouse. There was always a courrtyard, and it was larger than that of Han. The vast court ̄yard was not only a space for the Tibetan business ̄man to cook food and boil tea, but also a space for organizing their entertainment activities, such as singing and dancing in a circle. You Tai, a minis ̄ter of the Qing dynasty in Tibetan areas, recorded a grand dancing party organized by the local Tusi to welcome his arrival, which reflected the significant position of the Guozhuang in cultural activities. The upper-class of the Kham area, including Tusi and the Guozhuang host, tried to build a close re ̄lationship with both Tibetan and Han in all means, including the title, kinship relation or customs, and successfully built up a central zone on which both sides can be understood. It was just due to the special geographical location and cultural tradi ̄tion that made the reconstruction of a cross cultural buffer zone possible.
3 ) The managers of the Guozhuang were mainly the hostesses ( Ajia Kaba in Tibetan lan ̄guage) , and this also reflected a kind of feminism in Kham culture. The tradition of the Dong nv guo ( East Kingdom of Women ) enabled the women to run their business in and out of the family. When the tea trade started, the Guozhuang host had to spend much of their energy on providing service to the Tusi, so the Guozhuang hostess took the re ̄sponsibility of managing the business of the Guozhuang. Ajia normally controlled the initiative of negotiation in the Han-Tibetan trade, and they played the role of interpreters in the negotiation. There were many live -in son -in -laws in the family of the Guozhuang and this kind of marriage was even more popular in the period from the late Qing dynasty to the Republican era.
If we conduct an analysis of the value of Kangding Guozhuang from multiple dimensions, we would notice that the existence of the non-market interpersonal model in this institution, on some certain degree, had solved the problem of the lack of social cohesion resulting from marketization. From this angle, the value of Guozhuang culture in the improvement of the economic institutions of the market cannot be ignored.
This fieldwork also reflects the significant and comprehensive influence of the Guozhuang cultural heritage of Kangding. When viewed from this an ̄gle, its value is incredible. According to the data collected from the fieldwork, all the people, inclu ̄ding officials, scholars, businessman and ordinary people, are aware that the Guozhuang is a cultural heritage which has a high and comprehensive val ̄ue. If the relevant government bodies could in ̄clude it into the scope of heritage protection, and build it into a cultural space of intangible cultural heritage, it will have a much higher heritage val ̄ue , and play an important role both in the econom ̄ic development and construction of harmonious eth ̄nic relationships.
The Kangding Guozhuang also played a role in the deconstruction of the Han - Tibetan social structure - this kind of value can not only be in ̄troduced to the present world and influence the fu ̄ture world, but also can be seen as a hub which connects the “ancient” and “modern” Han -Ti ̄betan relations. Traditionally, there was a structur ̄al rule in the communications between the Han and Tibetan, namely that “the Han and Tibetans are somewhat separated from each other ”, however, the Guozhuang model in Kangding deconstructed this Han-Tibetan rule. This was closely related to elements such as social composition, ways of life, marriage, family, kinship, and religious customs. The disappearance of Guozhuang also has its own causes, for instance, the absence of inheritors and failure in operation of this system. However, this article proposes that it is mainly influenced by the social reforms in the historical process. Hence, that is the reason why modern enterprises which re ̄tain certain connotations of the Guozhuang could re-appear in the Kang area. In the survey, we no ̄tice that some enterprises have already made efforts in this regard. In summary, Kangding Guozhuang had creatively formed a security institution with a more humanized nature, and played an important role in the alleviation of social tensions in ethnic areas. Contemporary society, composed as it is of people with multi-ethnic backgrounds, still needs this kind of “deconstruction”. 相似文献
8.
明长城是距今历史年限最近并且分布面积广阔的历史建筑,经过历史朝代更迭的差异文化熏陶和战争洗礼的大型军事防御建筑,明长城因为历史性和建筑的艺术性、文化性、研究价值性符合《中华人民共和国文物保护法》,纳入了国家的保护范围;明长城作为大型文化遗产建筑代表着明朝的军事预防基地,体现出我国历史军事防御系统文化体系的层级性和历史价值性。 相似文献
9.
《中国民族博览》2017,(2)
20世纪后期以来,非物质文化遗产的传承,已经开始得到全世界人民的认同和支持,并逐渐加入到非物质文化遗产的研究、保护和发展队伍中,即便如此,非物质文化遗产的传承依旧是一个需要拓展的课题是不可否认的。改革开放以来,尤其是21世纪以来,我国对非物质文化遗产有了越来越高的重视度,虽然重视度提高了,但由于社会经济不断的发展,带动社会环境、资源以及结构也发生了很大的改变,非物质文化遗产的传承也在不断地呈现出新的问题、新的矛盾和新的状况,怎样才可以在传承非物质文化遗产的同时紧跟时代的步伐,怎样才能够把非物质文化遗产的传承与飞速发展的社会经济结合起来,很显然,这些问题并没有一个固定的答案,而是随着社会的发展,不断变化出新的答案。在众多传承方式中,教育传承对非物质文化遗产的保护、传承和发展都有着重要意义,本文分析了非物质文化遗产大众化教育传承的内涵,提出了非物质文化遗产大众化教育传承的路径,并且给出了对非物质文化遗产的大众化教育传承主体价值发挥有促进作用的策略。 相似文献
10.
民间技艺口诀是非物质文化遗产的重要组成部分,它不仅体现了民间技艺的智慧和创造力,也蕴含了民族的文化和精神。该文从非物质文化遗产的定义、特征和价值出发,分析了民间技艺口诀的非物质文化遗产属性,探讨了民间技艺口诀的保护价值和意义,提出了民间技艺口诀的保护对策和建议。 相似文献
11.
20世纪后期以来,非物质文化遗产的传承,已经开始得到全世界人民的认同和支持,并逐渐加入到非物质文化遗产的研究、保护和发展队伍中,即便如此,非物质文化遗产的传承依旧是一个需要拓展的课题是不可否认的.改革开放以来,尤其是21世纪以来,我国对非物质文化遗产有了越来越高的重视度,虽然重视度提高了,但由于社会经济不断的发展,带动社会环境、资源以及结构也发生了很大的改变,非物质文化遗产的传承也在不断地呈现出新的问题、新的矛盾和新的状况,怎样才可以在传承非物质文化遗产的同时紧跟时代的步伐,怎样才能够把非物质文化遗产的传承与飞速发展的社会经济结合起来,很显然,这些问题并没有一个固定的答案,而是随着社会的发展,不断变化出新的答案.在众多传承方式中,教育传承对非物质文化遗产的保护、传承和发展都有着重要意义,本文分析了非物质文化遗产大众化教育传承的内涵,提出了非物质文化遗产大众化教育传承的路径,并且给出了对非物质文化遗产的大众化教育传承主体价值发挥有促进作用的策略. 相似文献
12.
国外历史文化遗产保护机制及其对我国的启示 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
历史文化遗产可持续发展是一个庞大的系统工程,文化遗产保护是其重要的组成部分.目前,我国历史文化遗产保护仍然处在探索阶段,如何实现历史文化遗产的可持续发展,需要汲取国外成功的经验.本文通过对国外主要国家历史文化遗产保护工作的研究,从中归纳出其主要的经验,并进行综合的比较分析,旨在时我国历史文化遗产的保护有所借鉴,对历史文化遗产可持续发展实施有所启示. 相似文献
13.
群众文化可以说是有史以来存在的一种社会文化现象,同时也是文化建设领域不可缺少的重要部分,具有重要的社会功能与文化价值。群众文化作为一种特殊的社会文化,其包含的社会功能与文化价值发挥着重要的作用,而群众通过自己的文化,不仅能够有效提高自身的文化素养、审美价值,而且从中产生的新兴文化也具有良好的发展潜力与价值,从而为文化产业的发展打开了新的市场,为社会更好的发展提供了良好的平台。基于此,为了更好地探究群众文化的社会功能和文化价值,在接下来的文章中,将以群众文化的基本含义为切入点,重点对群众文化的社会功能以及文化价值两方面展开深入的剖析。 相似文献
14.
天水麦积高台流传于麦积区中东部地区,从起源到现在已有4000多年的民间艺术历史。它是一项集祭祀喜庆、节庆、娱乐文化等多功能为一体的群众性文化项目,通过对麦积高台的解读,使人们了解到麦积高台的起源、特征、制作过程及丰富的文化内涵,具有培养民族精神、增强群众凝聚力、发扬文化的传承性、增加旅游开发项目等多功能的作用。 相似文献
15.
范秀娟 《广西民族大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》2005,27(5):166-170
南宁国际民歌艺术节以仪式、游戏、艺术的集合体的方式,重构了南宁以壮族文化为灵魂的、视野开阔的、既古老又时尚的现代民族城市文化.民歌节不只是帮南宁找回歌唱的传统,更准确地说,民歌节是帮南宁找回了艺术的传统,并由此恢复和证明了艺术在人的生活中、在一个城市的成长和发展过程中应有的地位与价值. 相似文献
16.
桑植在第二次国内革命战争时期是湘鄂西苏区的重要区域,也是著名的民歌之乡。这里产生和流传的大量的革命歌谣,是一种具有深远历史意义的文化现象。在革命战争年代,这些激动人心的革命歌谣具有启蒙和动员民众、激励和鼓舞红军斗志、震慑和瓦解敌军的历史作用。 相似文献
17.
西藏自古以来就是我国农业文化大家庭中的重要一员,受地域环境、历史文化等因素影响形成了独具特色的农业文化遗产。随着现代化的发展,以高产为基本理念的现代农业体系与传统可持续农业体系之间形成基本矛盾,传统农业耕种技术、生产经验和农业智慧面临消失的困境,西藏重要农业文化遗产是传统农业文化的记忆留存,保护和传承好西藏重要农业文化遗产是全社会的共同责任。目前,西藏农业文化遗产保护和利用还处于起步和探索阶段,需要从保护体系建设、内生价值提升和历史传承发展等角度推动西藏农业文化遗产创新性发展,让西藏重要农业文化遗产“活”起来。 相似文献
18.
自1951年和平解放,特别是1959年民主改革以来,西藏文化遗产的保护、继承和发展经历了从无到有、从小到大的辉煌历程. 相似文献
19.
从"文化遗产"到"文化资本"——非物质文化遗产的内涵及其价值考察 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
非物质文化遗产是一种传统文化、一种“个人知识”。非物质文化遗产又是“非物质”的,不能简单地说它是物质文化还是精神文化。从“文化资本”这个角度去考察非物质文化遗产具有重大的理论与现实意义。 相似文献
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