Racial contestation and the emergence of populist nationalism in the United States

Much of the discussion surrounding nationalism still revolves around the ethnic versus civic nation divide. For purposes of this paper it is more useful to view the United States from the tri-modal perspective offered by Anderson, in which the United States is a creole (or settler) nation. All of Anderson's types can be seen as variants of ethnic nationalism. Kaufmann argues that the US evolved from ethnic to civic nationalism by the 1960s. This argument overlooks the importance of phenotype-based racism in the evolution of creole, or white settler colonial nationalism. We want to argue that US nationalism evolved from ethnic, to white racial nationalism in the interwar years. Since the 1920s, the political establishment has opted for civic nationalism that is based upon ‘white assimilationism’. This civic nationalism has been challenged by multiculturalism since the 1960s. In the context of a democratic political culture, the content of American nationalism has become ‘populist’ in the sense that it has come under popular contestation from the assimilationist right and the multiculturalist left. This populist nationalism includes aspects of ethnic and civic nationalism. Racial formation theory will be used to show that national identity may remain under ‘relatively permanent political contestation’ with racial cleavage as a major fault line in that contest. The issues of immigration and the treatment of Muslims since 9/11 will be addressed in order to make the case.     

Racial Imagery and Support for Voter ID Laws

Previous research suggests that calls for voter ID laws include racialized appeals and that racial attitudes influence support for such laws. This study uses an experiment to test whether exposure to racial imagery also affects support for voter ID laws. The data come from a survey experiment embedded in the 2012 Cooperative Congressional Election Study (N = 1,436) randomizing the race of a voter and poll worker shown to respondents (African American voter and poll worker, white voter and poll worker, or no image). The results show that white respondents who saw an image of an African American voter and poll worker expressed greater support for voter ID laws than those in the no image condition, even after controlling for the significant effects of racial resentment and political ideology. Exposure to an image of a white voter and poll worker did not produce a similar effect. The findings provide new evidence that public opinion about voter ID laws is racialized.     

Southern assumptions: normalizing racialized structures at a university in the Deep South

Informed by critical race theory (CRT), we examine how African-American and white college students, at a predominantly white, structurally diverse, Southern US university, understand their cross-racial experiences. Black–white interactions are understood within the context of the so-called ‘post-racial’ environment, against the backdrop of high-profile cases of racial injustice, and within the added context of the historical legacy of slavery and Jim Crow segregation in the rural Southern United States. Our study suggests that many students, regardless of race, recognized the persistence of racial segregation, especially in nightlife and campus Greek letter organizations (GLOs). African-American students were the most vocal and troubled by this division. Unexpectedly, however, students appeared to take for granted that in the American South, racism is persistent and indestructible. Building on Bell’s (1991) notion of racial realism and Bonilla-Silva’s (2013) notion of naturalization, we expand the view that racism is inherent or related to individual preference, to place and time, with a construct we term southern assumptions. Southern assumptions are the mechanisms in which participants connect collective historical racism in the south to the race problems of today.     

Perceived Skin Tone Discrimination Across Contexts: African American Women’s Reports

There is a void in empirical research that examines African American women’s self-reported skin tone discrimination from out-groups (e.g., whites) and in-groups (blacks). We analyzed data of women from diverse socioeconomic backgrounds in the nationally representative National Survey of American Life (N = 1653). Light-skinned women reported less out-group colorism, and light-, medium-, and dark-skinned women with higher self-mastery perceived lower out-group colorism. Medium-skinned women perceived less in-group colorism, while dark-skinned women perceived more in-group and out-group colorism than counterparts. Implications for intergroup and intragroup race relations as well as well-being are discussed.     

Environmental affects: NASCAR,place and white American cultural citizenship

Attempts to grapple with the complicated tangle of race and memory are more prominent than ever in the public discourse of the United States. In 2006, public intellectual Henry Louis Gates sought to popularize the search for roots and meaning with his project African American Lives, and in 2007 the black and white descendants of the landmark Plessy v. Ferguson case met in New Orleans to discuss the past and present significance of their ancestors’ lives. As the crafting of identities around increasingly fluid notions of ‘race’ proceeds apace, the activities of family historians provide a useful entrée into struggles over race, identity, and collective memory in the United States. The research reported here illustrates how the shared history of the multi-racial descendants of eighteenth and nineteenth century St Domingue/Haiti in Louisiana is encountered in racially distinct ways. Participant observation is used to examine how race is dealt with in the activities of two groups: 1) a mainly European American genealogical society, called the St Domingue Special Interest Group; and 2) the LA Creole cultural and genealogy group, made up primarily of Louisiana creoles of color. Preliminary findings indicate that while the process of engaging in family history research provides an opening for some participants to better understand others across racial and ethnic divides, this kind of cross-racial dialogue was limited by the organization of family history activities into racially distinct social networks. As the popularity of genealogy increases, the findings here point to the need to recognize the public significance of these private histories.     

Racial segregation and the limits of international undergraduate student diversity

This study challenges the assertion that the influx of Asian international undergraduate students in universities across the United States creates richer educational and social environments. Drawing on qualitative research at a public university with a large number of Asian international students, this article examines how Asian American student leaders and their organization took on the difficult institutional task of actualizing the diversity of these new students in a racially segregated campus. We found that instead of viewing racial segregation practices as possibly tied to racial discrimination and privileges of normative whiteness, students expressed both support and resistance to Asian international students in race-neutral language of comfort and organizational differences that reflects the dominant ideology of colorblindness. We argue that any claims to the benefits of international student diversity must take serious account of colorblind racism and the experiences of racial marginalization and racial segregation among domestic minority and international students.     

Race science and surveillance: police as the new race scientists

ABSTRACT

This article examines the relationship between race and the urban in the United States through an examination of the role of surveillance – a growing global phenomena in contemporary western cities – and its uses in creating and maintaining boundaries of race, particularly because surveillance of racial and ethnic minority groups tend to be grounded in specific and bounded geographic locations. Using historical evidence and data from the New York Police Department (NYPD) Stop and Frisk program during the 2003–2013 period, this article asks whether or not, strategies of state surveillance of racial and ethnic minority groups should be interpreted as a ‘new’ type of scientific racism given the state’s desire to deploy and its hyper-reliance on technologies to fulfil its surveillance role.     

Ethnic composition of the school class and interethnic attitudes: a multi-group perspective

This study investigates the relationship between the ethnic classroom composition and interethnic attitudes of adolescents of the native majority and several ethnic minorities in the Netherlands, Germany, England and Sweden. It contributes to prior research by examining the underlying theoretical features of contact opportunities and levels of threat across multiple ethnic groups more accurately, using group-specific measures. Based on Intergroup Contact Theory and Ethnic Group Conflict Theory, contrasting hypotheses on how the ethnic classroom composition affects out-group and in-group attitudes of adolescents are tested with multilevel regression analyses. Across ethnic groups and countries, we consistently find a moderate to substantial relation between ethnic classroom composition and interethnic attitudes in line with Intergroup Contact Theory: a relatively larger out-group size, compared to the in-group, relates positively to out-group attitudes. At the same time, in several cases, a relatively larger in-group size relates to more positive in-group attitudes. The findings point to the significance of balanced ethnic classroom compositions for promoting favourable attitudes between multiple ethnic groups – benefitting especially those who face high levels of prejudice from others and those who are prejudiced towards others – without compromising positive in-group attitudes.     

Real Buddhas Don't Laugh: Attitudes towards Humour and Laughter in Ancient India and China

The unjust internment of Japanese and Japanese Americans and the detainment of Arabs and Muslims are representative of larger structures of racism in the United States. The state's task is to manage, maintain and, at times, sustain the racial other. As the racial other becomes viewed as outside the nation, the state can enact harsh measures of punishment, control, and surveillance with the support of the public. 9/11 reconfigured the racial hierarchy of the United States, which allowed the nation-state to dictate the behavior of its communities of color, informing communities about the proper ways of racialized citizenship. After the attacks of September 11, 2001, those perceived to belong to Arab and Muslim communities became transformed into an ideological, racial subject and are placed outside the concept of formal citizenship. Those who are construed as outside formal membership have their ability to perform citizenship reduced and the state sees it as its responsibility to detain the foreign insider/outsider.     

British Critical Theorists: The Production of the Conceptual Invisibility of the Irish Diaspora

There is a long historical narrative of the relations between Britain and Ireland in which images of the Irish have been mobilised as major changing representational resources for the making of the British nation, identity and culture. Presently, the Irish diaspora in Britain is a major racialised ethnic group. However, it is absent from contemporary British theorists' representations of race and ethnicity. The paper critically explores the dominant racial regime of representation and this accompanying conceptual absence, as illustrated in anti-racist and new cultural theory texts. There is a need to rethink the histories and geographies of social closure and cultural exclusion as defining elements of the politics of race and nation. The paper argues the need to move beyond the Americanisation of British race-relations - the colour paradigm - to a critical engagement with European explanations, focusing on questions of nation, nationalism and migration. This is not an argument for the inclusion of the Irish in the current model of British race relations, but rather seeks to investigate the denial of difference with reference to Irish ethnic minority status and the specificity of anti-Irish racism. I conclude by looking at the question of self-representation in relation to Irish cultural formation and subjectivity, suggesting that in terms of a traditional racial dichotomy of domination/dominated, the Irish are not either/or but both/and.     

‘You are not born being racist,are you?’ Discussing racism with primary aged-children

Ethnic-racial socialisation is broadly described as processes by which both minority and majority children and young people learn about and negotiate racial, ethnic and cultural diversity. This article extends the existing ethnic-racial socialisation literature in three significant ways: (1) it explores ways children make sense of their experiences of racial and ethnic diversity and racism; (2) it considers ways children identify racism and make distinctions between racism and racialisation; and (3) it examines teacher and parent ethnic-racial socialisation messages about race, ethnicity and racism with children. This research is based on classroom observations, semi-structured interviews and focus groups with teachers, parents and students aged 8–12?years attending four Australian metropolitan primary schools. The findings reveal that both teachers and parents tended to discuss racism reactively rather than proactively. The extent to which racism was discussed in classroom settings depended on: teachers’ personal and professional capability; awareness of racism and its perceived relevance based on student and community experiences; and whether they felt supported in the broader school and community context. For parents, key drivers for talking about racism were their children’s experiences and racial issues reported in the media. For both parents and teachers, a key issue in these discussions was determining whether something constituted either racism or racialisation. Strategies on how ethnic-racial socialisation within the school system can be improved are discussed.     

Critical race theory meets posthumanism: lessons from a study of racial resegregation in public schools

Critical race theory (CRT) was used to frame a study of the impact of racial resegregation on students in a public school district. Racism operated in the district at multiple ontological levels – such as interpersonal microaggressions, structural economic arrangements, and discursive processes. CRT provided a rationale for the interdisciplinary approach required to track these different manifestations of racism, while maintaining an emphasis on the material reality of racism. Having its origins in the field of law, however, CRT provided limited guidance for methodological decisions often required in a social scientific study. The author found posthumanist philosophy of science offered guidance for these decisions in a manner that complemented the philosophical and political commitments of CRT. This essay reflects on the advantages this combination of theories offers for the analysis of institutionalized racism. Illustrations are drawn from the study on school resegregation.     

Korean American social studies teachers’ perceptions and experiences of teaching profession in multicultural urban high schools

This study explores two Korean American social studies teachers’ perceptions and experiences of the teaching profession in multicultural, urban public high schools. Drawing upon critical race theory (CRT) and its interconnection to the model minority myth, the most dominant form of racism against Asians as theoretical underpinnings, this study focuses on: (1) Korean American teachers’ unique experiences of being racial minority educators teaching a contentious subject like social studies within culturally and linguistically diverse school settings; and (2) the influences of the model minority racial stereotype on the teachers’ career choice, professional experiences, and associated coping strategies. This study aims to shed light on the heterogeneous stories and ethnoracially contextualized teaching experiences of Asian American teachers and to provide meaningful insights into and practical implications for the preparation and retention of teachers of color.     

Racial Formation in Theory and Practice: The Case of Mexicans in the United States

Mechanisms of social stratification require the categorical definition of an out-group to that can be excluded and exploited. Historically, in the United States, African Americans have been the subject of a systematic process of racial formation to define socially in this fashion. Beginning in the 1970s, however, and accelerating in the 1980s and 1990s, Mexicans were increasingly subject to processes of racialization that have rendered them more exploitable and excludable than ever before. Over the past decade, Mexican Americans moved steadily away from their middle position in the socioeconomic hierarchy and gravitated toward the bottom. This paper describes the basic mechanisms of stratification in the United States and how Mexicans have steadily been racialized to label them socially as a dehumanized and vulnerable out-group.     

Ukrainian and American identities as predictors of marital and parenting attitudes within the acculturating Ukrainian-American community

The Ukrainian-American community represents a unique acculturating community with respect to sociohistorical context, as well as specific demographic and cultural characteristics. The Ukrainian immigrant experience reflects the identity formed in relation to its challenges faced during the twentieth century and its complex relationship with the former Soviet Union. The purpose of this study was to examine the process of acculturation within the Ukrainian community in the United States and to examine how acculturation processes are related to attitudes on childrearing and traditional family formation. The participants for this sample included 188 participants drawn from the Ukrainian diaspora in Central New York. Analyses demonstrated the unique influence of religious beliefs and the simultaneous unique influence of both American identity and Ukrainian identity on attitudes towards traditional marriage formation and parenting. American identity was associated with more liberal attitudes towards divorce while both Ukrainian and American identity were associated with childrearing beliefs. Higher Ukrainian identity predicted more traditional parenting beliefs, while higher American identity predicted more progressive (less traditional) parenting beliefs. These results describe the distinctive features of the Ukrainian-American community in the United States that contribute to attitudes regarding marital behaviour as well as parenting beliefs.     

Threatening consumption: managing US imperial anxieties in representations of skin lightening in India

This paper contextualizes the US mainstream media coverage of the skin-lightening industry in India within a moment of imperial crisis in the United States in the early part of the twenty-first century. Discourse analysis of news media accounts indicates that orientalist colonial tropes of Indian primitiveness, traditionalism, and gendered difference intersect with American post-racial ideology to disassociate American consumers from an Indian consuming public. Thus, representations of skin lightening attempt to ease imperial anxieties around the United States' faltering economic dominance due to the rise of emerging economies like India by reviving nationalist narratives of American exceptionalism. Not only does this obscure racism and colorism in the United States, it also impedes recognition of the overlapping conditions of transnational commercialized beauty culture and industry within which white/light beauty standards and skin-whitening products flourish.     

Humour in the Ancient World

Since the ending of the Second World War and the establishment of the United Nations, the international concept of racism, first initialised in the 1930s, has been inscribed in an unacknowledged conceptual double bind. Western political culture has inherited a hegemonic concept of racism that foregrounds those meanings associated with the anti‐fascist critiques of the Jewish Holocaust, while foreclosing subaltern anti‐colonial critiques centred on Western Imperialism. This can be taken to suggest a divergence within a western tradition of critical thought that in one of its guises occurs between the view that ‘‘race’ thinking’ resembles ideological exceptionality and the contrary view that ‘race relations’ approximates colonial conventions. The present essay explores the extent to which these views are constituted conceptually and dialogically in opposition and divergence. This is defined as racism's conceptual double bind. In other words, the international concept of racism is doubly bound into revealing its imprints in nationalism and concealing its anchorage in liberalism; or recognising extremist ideology while denying routine governmentality. The essay, therefore, asks the following: is it im/plausible to deny that there is an inescapable conceptual double bind between these differing conceptualisations of racism that has been ignored by the dominant social science traditions in the West? The idea of a double bind in the concept of racism, reiterated throughout this essay, is not to be confused with the proposition that there are two concepts of racism. On the contrary, during the twentieth‐century conceptualisation of racism, there have rather been two distinct orientations, the hegemonic Eurocentric and the subaltern De/colonial, based on conflicting yet dialogical paradigmatic experiences of the referent of racism.     

Challenging racism through schools: teacher attitudes to cultural diversity and multicultural education in Sydney,Australia

How school teachers act to challenge racism in schools is a vital concern in an immigrant society like Australia. A 10% response from a self-administered online survey of government (public) primary and secondary school teachers across Sydney, Australia’s largest EthniCity, examines attitudes of classroom teachers towards cultural diversity, goals of multicultural education, and strategies to implement anti-racist strategies. Principal components analysis (PCA) of attitudes tease out the varied influence of opinion on multicultural education, diversity, and anti-racism. Classroom teachers are overwhelmingly supportive of cultural diversity, multicultural education and strategies to combat racism and discrimination, and these views hardly vary across the different geographic zones of the city, unlike attitudes within the general community. However, teacher knowledge about the implementation of multicultural policy does vary, and is positively associated with the extent of population diversity and socio-economic status (SES) of the communities surrounding the schools.     

The (em)bodiment of blackness in a visceral anti-black racism and ableism context

Over the years, many scholarly publications have extensively discussed disability ‘diagnoses’ and placement practices in special education programs in the United States and the United Kingdom. These publications argue that racism and classism rather than clinically predetermined factors appear to influence the disability diagnosis and placement practices in special education. The present essay is contributing to the debate by critically exploring the relationship(s) between race, class, and disability ‘diagnoses’ and placement practices in special education programs in Toronto, Canada. The core ideas noted in the essay are drawn from a personal story of an African-Canadian parent – a story of a daughter with a diagnosed disability and her mother’s struggle to resist the disability ‘diagnosis’ as well as her battle rejecting her daughter’s placement in the special education program in a Toronto public school. Using this personal account, other literature, and anti-black racism theory, I argue that special education programming in Toronto, Canada helps white middle/upper class Canadians achieve a de facto race/class-based segregation in the Toronto public school system. Whereas the Supreme Courts’ rulings on Brown vs. the Board of Education in the United States and Washington vs. the Trustees of Charlottesville in Canada have insisted that whites and non-whites attend the same school, special education identification practices ensure that whites and non-whites do not have to belong to the same classroom. I conclude that when educational practices move into spaces of pathologization, blacks and working-class students are continually at risk of facing exclusionary practices. One thing is clear: the significance of skin color in the mind of the racist cannot easily be dismissed.     

A Fidelity to Politics: Shame and the African-American Vote in the 2004 Election

This essay explores how the concepts of shame and fidelity, in their relation to race, racism, electoral politics, might be thought with reference to the African-American vote in the 2004 presidential elections. Fully cognizant of the increasing ‘numerical’ irrelevance of African-Americans as an electoral constituency, this essay argues for their participation, a participation not grounded in the liberal American politics of material and symbolic ‘expectation’, in the elections as a felicitous political event.

…?suffering produces patience, and patience produces fidelity, and enduring fidelity produces hope, and hope does not disappoint. (Romans 5.2)