Evolution of fertility and mortality

Historical and current fertility trends in both Quebec and Canada as a whole are surveyed. While fertility among French Canadians was higher than that in neighboring provinces until the mid-20th century, in 1968 Quebec's crude birthrate was the lowest in Canada, and in 1972 it was 13.8 vs. 15.9 (the national birthrate). This reversal is explained in terms of the demographic transition theory, the declining influence of organized religion, and new opportunities for social mobility for minority groups. The birthrate throughout Canada is also declining. Although recent cohort studies are incomplete because women have not yet finished their reproductive years, it appears that completed family size will be lower than at any time in Canadian history. The period total fertility rate indicates an average family size of 1.8 children in 1976, but it is unclear whether this represents an actual reduction in family size or the postponement of childbearing. The sharpest fertility decline has been among women aged 35-49, but peak fertility rates have shifted from the 20-24 age group to those aged 25-29. Fertility is negatively related to education, and the lowest fertility is found among the intermediate income groups. Since the 1969 lifting of the ban on contraceptive sales and advertising, family planning activities have been stepped up. Also removed was the total ban on abortion. In 1975 there were 14.9 therapeutic abortions per 100 live births, but it has been charged that abortion standards are being applied inequitably from hospital to hospital.     

Regional trends in fertility and mortality in Brazil

Abstract Questions asked in the 1970 Brazilian census allow the application of fertility and childhood mortality techniques developed by W. Brass. Using some propositions based on fertility estimates from the 1970 census data it was possible to extend the analysis to the 1940, 1950 and 1960 censuses. Estimates are also provided for ten Brazilian regions, for 1940, 1950 and 1970. These estimates show a slight decrease in the fertility level for the country as a whole, but two different trends at regional levels. Between 1940-50 and 1960-70 the poorer regions experienced constant or increasing fertility levels while developed regions experienced declining ones, with only one exception. The mortality estimates indicate a consistent decline in the mortality level of all regions, but also a divergent trend between poor and developed regions, in life expectancies at birth. This work is a summarized version of Chapters II, III and IV of my Ph.D. thesis written under the supervision of Professor D. V. Glass and Mr J. Hobcraft at the University of London. I am most grateful to my supervisors as well as to Professor W. Brass for valuable comments on several aspects of the thesis. While carrying out this study, the author was supported by grants from the Federal University of Minas Gerais, Brazil, and the Ford Foundation.     

Endogenous fertility,mortality and growth

Economic and demographic outcomes are determined jointly in a choice-theoretic model of fertility, mortality and capital accumulation. There is an endogenous population of reproductive agents who belong to dynastic families of overlapping generations connected through altruism. In addition to choosing savings and births, parents may reduce (infant) deaths by incurring expenditures on health-care which is also provided by the government. A generalised production technology accounts for long-run endogenous growth with short-run transitional dynamics. The analysis yields testable time series and cross-section implications which accord with the empirical evidence on the relationship between demography and development. Received: 22 April 1996 / Accepted: 2 April 1998     

Altitude, fertility and mortality in Andean countries

Abstract Using the census data for Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador, previous writers have investigated some possible determinants of inter-regional differences in fertility; language spoken, female participation rates, and altitude. This paper points out the many sources of inaccuracy in the census data used. It argues that the indicators of unusually low fertility in the highland, predominantly Indianspeaking areas fail to control effectively for the very high levels of infant mortality in these regions. Fragmentary survey results give some indication of the scale of infant mortality, and appear to refute the idea that fertility is exceptionally low in areas of high altitude. In an attempt to explain why such high mortality rates persist in the Andean region the main health problems of Bolivia are examined. It seems that the causes are economic and social, rather than physiological. Unfortunately a change of policy which reduced death rates would produce grave new social problems.     

Recent changes in Negro fertility

Crude birth rates for the Negro population of the United States indicate that fertility declined while Negroes remained in the South and them climbed in the last twenty-five years as Negroes became urbanized. Cohort rates show more precisely the effects of the Depression upon childbearing as well as the magnitude and persistence of the post-Depression rise in fertility. More Negro women now become mothers, average family size has increased, and the proportion of women bearing six, seven, or eight children has risen. Negro fertility has risen despite the urbanization of Negroes and improvements in their socio-economic characteristics. Negro fertility rates present the paradox of falling when demographic transition theory would predict the maintenance of high rates and then rising when a decline would be expected. Urbanization does not appear to have reduced Negro fertility. Traditionally, urban living has dampened childbearing in two ways—first, health conditions in cities were inferior to those of rural areas, and thus urbanization affected fecundity adversely; second, city residents are more likely to know about and adopt birth control than rural residents. Negroes migrated to cities at the very time when diseases were being controlled and when public health and welfare facilities were being expanded to serve all residents. This has contributed to higher Negro fertility rates. If fertility rates are to fall because of family planning, not only must birth control be available but there must be a desire to limit family size. Such a desire may be linked to opportunities for social mobility. Negroes have not been assimilated into urban society as previous in-migrant groups were, and opportunities for mobility have been restricted. For these reasons Negroes may be slow to adopt stable monogamous families and the intentional control of fertility.     

Child mortality, fertility, and human capital accumulation

This article analyzes the impact of decline in child mortality on fertility and economic growth. The study shows that the timing of mortality relative to education is crucial to implications of mortality decline. If child mortality is realized before education starts, an exogenous decline in child mortality leads to a decline in education—a finding that is opposite to those of studies that considered a decline in mortality after the cost of education has been incurred. The work also demonstrates the role of parental human capital in reducing child mortality and the causal link between rising education and declining child mortality.

Child mortality and fertility: public vs private education

How does the effect of child mortality reductions on fertility and education vary across educational systems? To answer this question, we develop an overlapping-generations model where altruistic parents care about both the number and human capital of their surviving children. We find that, under a private education system, if income is low initially, the economy converges to a Malthusian stagnation steady state. For a high level of initial income, the economy reaches a growth path in which children’s education rises and fertility decreases with income. In the growth regime under private education, exogenous shocks that lower child mortality are detrimental for growth: fertility increases and education declines. In contrast, under a public education system, the stagnation steady state does not exist, and health improvement shocks are no longer detrimental for growth. We therefore offer a new rationale for the introduction of public education.     

The fertility,mortality and nuptiality of the Rungus Dusun

One of the authors, when holding the position of medical officer in Borneo carried out an intensive medical survey of the Rungus Dusun. The present paper records the results of analysing demographic data collected during this survey. The number involved was very small ; for instance, only 55 of the women were aged 15 years or over, and thus the findings are subject to considerable sampling error. In the circumstances, it is remarkable that the levels of fertility and mortality estimated to apply to different cohorts should be as consistent as they are.

Sterility amongst the Dusun is shown to be reasonably low and fertility adequate. Such doubt as has been expressed as to their ability to survive is shown to derive from high mortality in infancy and early childhood.

It is hoped that this study may make some contribution to the creation of an adequate body of techniques for studying the demography of such people.     

Retrospective evidence of a decline of fertility and child mortality in Bangladesh

A detailed analysis of survey data collected in 1961–1962 for a sample of 4200 families in central East Pakistan produced consistent and reasonable estimates of birth and death rates for the preceding decade. Extremely high levels of infant and child mortality declined noticeably in the period 1952–1961. Age-specific birth rates to married women also decreased in the decade for women over the age of 19, while a small increase was recorded for married women aged 15 to 19. During the 1950s total marital fertility declined about one-fifth. Birth rates remained high in 1960 according to these estimates, but there is reason to anticipate further reductions in birth rates, particularly among older women. To improve understanding of the determinants of fertility and to aid in the formulation of policy to cope with population trends, statistical analysis must increasingly consider information on families over time. Retrospective household survey data may provide the empirical base for this line of inquiry.     

Breast feeding,mortality in childhood and fertility in a rural zone of Senegal

The data analysed in the present study were collected in the course of a demographic survey conducted at repeated intervals in the Sine-Saloum region of Senegal.1 This study was financed by a grant from the ‘Fond d'aide et de coopération’ of France, from 1963-65, and by the WHO Section for Research on Human Reproduction from 1966-67. The study was conducted by ORSTOM in collaboration with the Statistical Service of Senegal. The data used in this paper were analysed at INED. Only the data concerning the Sine (Niakhar) area are analysed here.     

Breast feeding, mortality in childhood and fertility in a rural zone of Senegal

Abstract The data analysed in the present study were collected in the course of a demographic survey conducted at repeated intervals in the Sine-Saloum region of Senegal. 1 This study was financed by a grant from the 'Fond d'aide et de coopération' of France, from 1963-65, and by the WHO Section for Research on Human Reproduction from 1966-67. The study was conducted by ORSTOM in collaboration with the Statistical Service of Senegal. The data used in this paper were analysed at INED. Only the data concerning the Sine (Niakhar) area are analysed here.     

Demographic transitions: analyzing the effects of mortality on fertility

The effect of mortality reductions on fertility is one of the main mechanisms stressed by the recent growth literature in order to explain demographic transitions. We analyze the empirical relevance of this mechanism based on the experience of developed and developing countries since 1960. We distinguish between the effects on gross and net fertility, take into account the dynamic nature of the relationship, and control for alternative explanatory factors and for endogeneity. Our results show that mortality plays a large role in fertility reductions, that the change in fertility behavior comes with a lag of about 10 years and that both net and gross fertility are affected. We find comparatively little support for explanations of the demographic transition based on changes in GDP per capita.     

New estimates of fertility and child mortality in Africa, south of the Sahara

Summary Earlier work by Page and Coale has estimated demographic indices of fertility and mortality for parts of Africa using the Sullivan modification of Brass's technique. The present paper presents modified and more accurate estimates of fertility and child mortality, not only for the sub-national units covered by Page and Coale but also for areas not covered by them. The present analysis which employs Trussell's refinement of Brass and Sullivan's techniques also includes improvements overlooked in earlier estimates. The salient finding that emerges is that while the Brass mortality technique is very powerful, his equally ingenious fertility technique is very weak and should not be relied on for estimating fertility parameters.     

The effect of child mortality experience on subsequent fertility: in Pakistan and Bangladesh

Summary This paper presents an empirical analysis of the effects, behavioural and biological, of child mortality experience on subsequent fertility in two South Asian Islamic nations. Data for the investigation came from retrospective pregnancy histories of 2,910 currently married women interviewed in the Pakistan National Impact Survey (1968-69) and from longitudinal vital registration data (1966-2070) of 5,236 women residing in a rural area of Bangladesh collected by the Cholera Research Laboratory. The aim of this study was to assess the importance of the child-replacement motivational response to child death experience after biological effects have been controlled adequately. A common approach employed previously has been to examine cumulative fertility according to child death experience. In Pakistan and Bangladesh, a consistently positive relationship was demonstrated between the number of children ever born and the number of child deaths. This method, however, did not exclude the inverse relationship, the influence of fertility on mortality, nor did it dissect out behavioural from biological effects. Utilizing a measure of subsequent fertility, live-birth-to-live-birth intervals, the study further illustrated another common pitfall. Since the risk of infant death, which leads to shorter birth intervals, is associated with the mother's reproductive history, women with child mortality experience are more likely to experience shorter intervals because of the biological effect of subsequent infant death. Behavioural influences may, therefore, be observed by considering only those birth intervals in which the first-born child survives to the end of the interval. With these limitations controlled, very few, if any, behavioural influences were noted in the Pakistan and Bangladesh data. Median birth intervals in Pakistan varied between 35-43 and 41-42 months, increasing with parity. Within each parity group, no consistent difference was observed between women with and without previous child loss. In Bangladesh, the median birth interval for all women with a surviving infant was 37-2 months. This was shortened to 24-31 months by an infant death. When intervals with infant deaths were excluded, little or no behavioural influence was detected among women of the same parity, but with varying levels of previous child loss. Even without behavioural effects, elimination of infant mortality in Bangladesh would reduce fertility by prolonging the average period of post-partum sterility. In the Bangladesh setting, however, the size of the effect was only about four per cent. This modest effect, more-over, was counterbalanced by an overall increase of net reproduction by seven per cent due to better survivorship of infants.     

The impact of real wage and mortality fluctuations on fertility and nuptiality in precensus England

This paper explores the responses of fertility and nuptiality to fluctuations in real wages and mortality that can be inferred from annual series of English historical data over the period 1542 to 1800. The paper begins with a review of the time series properties of the data and summarizes the long-term equilibrium relationships identified in previous work. A Vector Error Correction Mechanism (VECM) is then proposed to study the observed short-term fluctuations in a way that is compatible with long-term equilibria. Following estimation of the parameters of the VECM, an investigation is made of the impact of shocks to real wages and mortality on demographic variables as measured by generalized impulse responses and persistence profiles. Received: 24 September 1997 / Accepted: 12 December 1997     

The economic explanation of fertility changes in the United States

Abstract It is widely assumed that fertility varies positively with economic conditions. Actually this assumption receives little support from the historical record. For a century before 1930 fertility declined while the economy expanded and real incomes rose. Then for nearly three decades fertility and incomes fell and rose together. Since 1960 they have again moved in opposite directions. Clearly, no simple generalization about their relation will hold water. More sophisticated explanations are based on relative rather than absolute incomes. Banks suggested that the downturn in English fertility in the 1870's might have occurred because standards of middle-class consumption rose faster than middle-class incomes, but he found the evidence inconclusive. To reconcile the post-war baby boom in the United States with earlier experience, Easterlin has argued that fertility is determined by the relationship between the income of couples in their twenties and the income of their parents ten to fifteen years earlier. Among the weaknesses of this theory as applied to U.S. experience are its failure to explain the sharp drop in fertility, including that of native white urban women, in the 1920's; the fact that fertility rose most in the baby boom at the higher socio-economic levels where incomes rose least; and the sharp decline of fertility after 1962 in spite of the favourable trend of incomes, including those of younger people. The broad conclusion is that while couples no doubt do consider income, employment opportunities, etc. in deciding how many children to have, such considerations have had a relatively minor influence on changes in fertility, which for the most part have been the result of changes in attitudes. Even the post-war baby boom was a result not only of higher incomes and full employment but also of a shift in attitudes toward family size, particularly among the better-educated, economically better-off sections of society.     

Birth rate trends and changes in marital fertility in the Netherlands after 1937

The rise in fertility in the Netherlands since 1937 is examined in the light of new statistical information which has recently become available. The conclusion reached is that a continuance of the high fertility rates of the recent past is unlikely.