锦绣中华之开平碉楼

正开平碉楼位于广东省江门市下辖的开平市境内,是中国乡土建筑的一个特殊类型,是集防卫、居住和中西建筑艺术于一体的多层塔楼式建筑。其特色是中西合璧的民居,有古希腊、古罗马及伊斯兰等风格多种。根据现存实证,开平碉楼约产生于明代后期(16世纪),到19世纪末20世纪初发展成为表现中国华侨历史、社会形态与文化传统的一种独具特色的群体建筑形象。这一类建筑群规模宏     

开平碉楼的“申遗”困局

白马王子和灰姑娘结合后，《格林童话》说，他们从此过着幸福的生活。童话毕竟是虚构的，现实的婚姻往往并不意味着幸福。打个不恰当的比喻，一些名胜古迹的管理部门和世界文化遗产荣誉称号之间，好比是一对恋人，一旦心想事成、喜结“连理”，从此它们之间会不会有矛盾或困局之类的尴尬发生？开平碉楼的“申遗”团局，颇具代表性。     

开平煤矿——中国第一座现代化煤矿

为挣钱而开矿19世纪60年代以后,洋务派兴办的军事工业、民用企业,民间商人投资的各类工厂如雨后春笋般发展起来,煤炭和钢铁的需求量猛增。然中国土法生产的煤铁,产量低、价格贵、质量低劣,根本满足不了需求,多数企业不得不大量购买外洋煤铁维持生计。     

强大的颜色

因建筑样式的特别而入选世界文化遗产名录的地方。项目．不胜枚举．它们或雄壮或纤巧．或平实或华丽．却没有一个如陶尔利这般好玩．引人发噱。用好玩这个词来描述．一点也没有要玩弄文字的意思,用的就是词的本意——从未可能在现实中见过如迪斯尼公园那如模型般的、造型卡通的住宅。     

武当古建筑美学解读

武当山古建筑已于1994年列入世界文化遗产名录,世界遗产委员会这样评价武当山古建筑美学：武当山“在建筑艺术、建筑美学上达到了极为完美的境界”。对于世界遗产武当山的研究,长期以来侧重在建筑技术和建筑艺术等方面的研究上,对于武当山建筑美学的研究,一直是个空白,特别是对于武当山古建筑美学风格的突破与跨越更是无人问津。因此,研究它就具有开拓创新意义,希望通过这种研究,提高大家的审美兴趣和审美能力,为武当山古建筑研究向深层次推进,提供一些可资借鉴的思路。     

日本皇室世界文化奖颁布

2011年日本皇室世界文化奖（Praemium Imperiale）日前宣布,墨西哥建筑师的里卡多·雷可瑞塔（Ricardo Legorreta）获得本年度建筑类奖。这个奖项设立于1988年,当时正值日本艺术协会成立一百周年,为纪念该协会的赞助人高松宫宣仁亲王而特别设立。     

第三篇 走进四季人居——布鲁塞尔建筑：新旧交融各具特色

古建筑是人类的财富，一不小心还能成为世界文化遗产。同时，人类社会总是飞速向前发展，各种各样的新式建筑也层出不穷。在比利时首都布鲁塞尔，各式各样的新旧建筑即便是楼挨着楼也没有一样的脸谱，这在欧洲是独一无二的。     

新歌特式意味 卡萨福斯特酒店

巴塞罗那市中心繁华与幽静之地的卡萨福斯特酒店,曾是福斯特送给爱妻的礼物。这幢充满新哥特意味的杰出建筑,由设计了如今已列为世界文化遗产的加泰罗尼亚保罗音乐厅的建筑大师蒙塔纳设计。     

探访世界文化遗产──日本岐阜县白川村

白川村这个地名,是几年前我偶然翻阅日本报纸时第一次看到的,那是丰田公司的一则广告,介绍该公司在白川村的一些事情,提到这个村庄被列为世界文化遗产。也许因为我的家乡也在农村的缘故,我很想去看看这个村子,到底是什么样子。     

Huangshan To Become A World-class Tourist City

ON November 18, Mt. Huangshan, a famous scenic spot in Huangshan City, Anhui Province, became a sea of happiness. The people of Huangshan City were celebrating the kickoff of the '97 China International Huangshan Tourism Festival. Through this grand activity, which gathered together business and trade, tourism and culture into a single event, the people of Huangshan hoped to strengthen the spirit of cultural exchange and cooperation with people all over the world.     

From Tourists to Anti-Tourists to Tourist Attractions: The Transformation of the Amsterdam Squatters' Movement

Urban social movements are increasingly confronted by the growth in urban tourism and its influence over city development. This growth promises to create new opportunities for mobilization, resistance, and compromise. For both tourists and activists, place matters. However, place matters differently for each group, bringing conflicts over how the city should respond to their different, and sometimes opposing, needs. In this article, I examine the Amsterdam squatters’ movement and its relationship with tourists. I trace four major periods of the interaction between activism and tourism, from initial unity, to separation, to mutual antagonism, up to their ultimate reconciliation. I show that the interplay between tourism and urban social movements is more complex than a relationship of exploitation and resistance. Tourism has both the power to radicalize and depoliticize movements. Likewise, movements can both repel and attract tourists. This analysis emphasizes the role power differential plays in the evolving relationship. A powerful squatters’ movement resisted tourism, but the movement in decline, shifting from political to cultural activism, made the strategic choice to compromise in order to maintain the movement.     

Other Attractions in Vietnam

This paper analyses the place of highland ethnic minorities in Vietnamese visual culture. For decades, artists have appropriated markers of ethnic difference in propaganda posters about national unity and progress. Vietnamese notions of ethnic groups draw on a historical trajectory that involves colonial racial classifications as well as the anti-colonial notion of 'the people'. The inclusion of ethnic minorities in official portrayals of the people draws on the historical conditions of nation building and an armed struggle for independence. Equally important, the visual appropriation of the markers of ethnic and national difference projects national progress through the mapping of backwardness on highland ethnic groups. The recent emergence of the same ethnic markers as an international tourist attraction draws on similar progressivist narratives, and the growing market in souvenirs recycles visual exercises in national unity as a just-discovered Other Vietnam.     

Secondary Popular Culture

In the context of “primary process” assumptions concerning mass distributed culture, the idea of “secondary process” assumptions is developed. A secondary popular culture process (1) is focused on the time period after “legitimate” distribution is conventionally considered complete, (2) treats “finished” cultural materials as raw materials, (3) takes for granted the design and actualization features of “legitimate” production and distribution (which is tantamount to “sacredness”), (4) “turns over” nationally (and internationally) produced wants (“markets”) at the local level for local profit, and (5) creates localized occupational, professional, and stylistic identities which are unanticipated consequences of the centralized producer's work. The idea is then illustrated through a brief discussion of the author's research concerning local popular music performers.     

Reconstructing Popular Childhoods

SUMMARY. For the greater part of the nineteenth century experiences of popular childhoods were rooted in family economies to which children were expected to contribute. Family economies were diverse and family-controlled with children making a range of contributions depending on age and gender within local economies and subcultures. While older children, especially boys, entered paid employment if possible, younger children and girls undertook unpaid domestic tasks. Throughout the century there was a steady decline in opportunities for paid employment among children. Among families where wages and standards of living were rising, childhoods were gradually reconstructed as parents postponed their children's entry to paid employment. The rise in wages was very uneven and there was a growing crisis in the family economies of the poorest families, where children continued to see themselves as contributors despite shrinking child labour markets and the introduction of legislation to control them. Although schooling remained a costly item in domestic budgets, parents who could afford it sent their children to school and a period of often brief and irregular school attendance was a feature of the majority of childhoods by the 1860s. The introduction and enforcement of universal, compulsory school attendance after the Education Act 1870 greatly increased the costs of childhoods, causing a sudden large increment in the dependency of children upon their parents. This marked an acceptance of the legitimacy of intervention by the state in parent child relationships. With a settled period of more or less regular school attendance childhoods became more standardised and visible. Notions of popular childhoods were gradually reconstructed moving away from children as contributors towards children as consumers.     

Popular Beijing Baba

Beijing might not be the Stockh young their s not to olin of China, where fathers proudly push trollers while trying be too obvious about showing off their fatherhoodBut that is not to say a modern Chinese dad does not participate in childrearing, Even though we are living in a culture often described as ＂macho,＂ many fresh fathers are spending most of their spare time taking care of their babies. Although I have not yet met any Chinese stay-at-home dads, ＂stroller dad days＂ might not be that far ahead of us.     

Before Nonprofit Organisations Become Social Enterprises

VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations - In the context of weak global economic growth, the transformation of nonprofit organisations (NPOs) into social...