国际著名藏学家卡尔梅·桑木丹教授应邀莅临中央民族大学讲学

2010年9月20日,应中央民族大学藏学研究院邀请,国际著名藏学家卡尔梅·桑木丹教授莅临中央民族大学讲学,开始了他在北京为期一个月的学术交流活动.     

国际著名藏学家杰尼特·嘉措教授应邀莅临中央民族大学讲学

2011年10月26日至10月31日,国际著名藏学家杰尼特·嘉措(Janet Gyatso)教授受中央民族大学藏学研究院邀请,在中央民族大学开始了为期一周的学术交流活动。杰尼特·嘉措现任美国哈佛大学神学院教授,长期从事藏学研究工作,是美国乃至西方藏学界的重要学者。她于1981年从美国加利福尼亚州大学伯克利分校获得博士学位,其博士论文以有关唐东杰布     

新农合对四川藏区的减贫效应分析

The New Rural Cooperative Medi-cal System ( hereafter NRCMS) in Tibetan areas of Sichuan was started in Wenchuan in 2005 , and by 2008 covered all of the province’s Tibetan areas. This paper studies the effects of the NRCMS on im-proving the health of and alleviating poverty for farmers and herdsmen in Tibetan area of Sichuan. Most parts of the Tibetan areas of Sichuan are located in high altitude districts. Thirty two coun-ties of these areas are classified as “National Pov-erty Counties”. Poverty and disease go hand in hand in these regions. Kashin-Beck disease and hydatid disease are the major endemics in the pas-toral and agro-pastoral areas of Sichuan. Endemic, infectious and chronic diseases are widespread in Sichuan’s Tibetan areas. More than 70% of pa-tients are workers from 20 to 60 years old. Disea-ses are more prevalent in women than in men. Kashin-Beck disease and hydatid disease are cur-rently incurable. Patients suffer from health prob-lems, which leads to a decrease in their income and the heavy burden of medical expenses. The new rural cooperative medical system alleviates the negative effects of farmers’ falling into, or back in-to poverty due to disease. However, the existing medical compensation mechanism is not sufficient to solve the problem. The greatest impact of NRCMS on the farmers and herdsmen in Sichuan’s Tibetan areas is that the system has gradually changed local people’s medi-cal behavior, as well as their underlying ideas a-bout medicine: they begin to believe in hospitals. In particular, more pregnant women are choosing to give birth in hospitals, which reduces the rate of infant mortality and postpartum diseases, and im-proves the health of women. Since the full coverage of the NRCMS in 2008 , the number of people participating in the system has reached the overall average level of Si-chuan province. By analyzing the data before and after the implementation of this system, and meas-uring the impact of the system on people’s health, it can be found that the NRCMS’s role in serving the vulnerable population, such as the elderly and infant children, is more marked. Since the implementation of the NRCMS, all administrative villages in Sichuan Tibetan areas have established village clinics, which solved the problem of a shortage of medicines and doctors in those areas. Farmers and herdsmen have conven-ient access to medical treatment, enhancing the ac-cessibility of medical service. After the implemen-tation of the NRCMS, the health of the elderly population in rural areas has improved. Infant mor-tality rates have dramatically fallen. The implementation of the NRCMS improved the medical service capacity of township hospitals and village clinics. And the NRCMS has brought the township hospitals and village clinics into its scope of compensation, which greatly promotes the utilization of primary medical services in Tibetan areas. The poverty reduction effect of the NRCMS can be analyzed from two aspects:Firstly, the im-
provement in health leads to increased income, be-cause good health can promote labor productivity. Meanwhile, the increase in income will in turn im-prove the overall level of health. Secondly, the in-patient and outpatient compensation rate is raised year by year, which reduces the medical fees of farmers, and prevents them from falling back into poverty.     

妙手文章书生泪，铁肩道义西藏情——深切怀念著名藏学家陈家琎先生

我国著名藏学家陈家琎先生于2004年2月7日在北京不幸去世，他的离世是我国乃至国际藏学界的重大损失.1950年陈家琎先生随十八军进藏,长期任新华社西藏分社记者,曾为反映和介绍西藏的真实历史及现实做了大量工作.从1980年起就西藏社会科学院的筹建、《西藏研究》藏汉文版的创刊、藏事汉文文献资料的编辑出版等工作作出不可磨灭的贡献，为我们留下了400多册的藏学文献图书.我们要学习陈家琎先生的为党、为人民始终忘我的工作精神,努力完成他所未竞的事业,为实现我区“一加强、两促进”的历史任务,为繁荣发展新时期哲学社会科学和藏学研究事业作出应有贡献.     

前进中的中央民族大学藏学研究院

藏学研究院是中央民族大学１０个学院之一,学生来自５省藏族地区。 全院现有教职工３９名（包括离退休教职工）,其中博导２名,教授１０名, 副教授１５名,讲师１４名,获得博士学位１名,硕士学位５名。中央民族大学 藏学研究院成立于２０００年６月,其前身──中央民族学院藏语文教研室是 １９５１年创立的,为适应当时已和平解放的西藏和其它藏区工作的需要,在党 中央和毛主席的亲切关怀下,由我国著名的藏学奠基人、已故著名藏学专家 于道泉教授创办并与中央民族学院相伴而生,成为当时中央民族学院的“半 壁江山”（建院初期学院…     

宗教事务依法管理的路径及基础——以四川藏区依法治理为视角

Under the situation that traditional beliefs have remained basically unchanged while the social economy has developed and population mobility has increased, with the trend of an in-creasing diversity in beliefs, and an increasing number of religious followers and temples, the management of religious affairs has become more difficult. In ethnic areas, the speed of moderniza-tion has accelerated, ethnic interactions are fre-quent, and the beneficial conflict or cultural con-flict among various ethnic groups has become nor-mal; the impact of modernity, ways of life, the value and ideals of the temples’ traditional culture and educational model brings new social pressure for the monks who are adapting to modernization, and making a leap in development while safeguard-ing traditional rituals, culture, religious education and development. The number of criminal cases involving monks has increased, which brings a strong negative influence to the religious followers in Tibetan areas. All these factors are directly in-fluencing the stability and harmonious development of the Tibetan areas. As the second-largest Tibetan area, the geo-graphical location of Sichuan’s Tibetan areas is u-nique. In ancient times, the policy of “keeping the Tibetan areas stable means keeping Kham sta-ble at first” had been an important measure for the central government to manage all of the Tibetan ar-eas. From the Qing dynasty to the present times, it still has a practical use, and even has special val-ue in the process of safeguarding the “long-term stability of Sichuan”, especially when the people have but a hazy understanding of the relationship between the freedom of faith and managing reli-gious affairs according to the law in Tibetan areas, and one needs to have a legal response to it. Hence, “keeping Kham stable” needs to depend on the law, and legal means should be taken to safeguard the harmony and stability of the Tibetan areas in Sichuan. Management of the religious affairs according to the law is an inevitable requirement for China to promote the goal of ruling the country by law, com-prehensively deepen reform, and promote the mod-ernization of the country’s governance system and capability. Based on an active response to the guidance principle of strengthening the manage-ment of religious affairs according to the law pro-posed by the Central Government, and the Sichuan Provincial Government, we should standardize reli-gious activities and affairs, insist on a combination of legal management and policy guidance, adopt various measures, search for a practicable path to realize the significant goal of managing the religious affairs according to the law in Tibetan areas of Si-chuan. This article proposes some methods of man-aging the religious affairs according to the law as follows:1 ) To insist on the CPC’s leadership in reli-gious work and management of religious affairs;2 ) to actively and reliably promote the systematic con-
struction of the legalization of religious affairs;3 ) to insist on the combination of legal management and policy guidance;4 ) to encourage the public to manage religious affairs according to law; 5 ) to standardize the scale and number of monks by u-sing new methods of management;6 ) to strengthen the role of the “four troops” ( Party and Govern-ment leading cadres,ethnic religious work cadres, ethnic minority cadres and talents, and religious believers ) , especially religious believers; 7 ) to make full use of the regulatory framework of the Buddhist community; 8 ) to create conditions for those monks who wish to return to secular life;9 ) to distinguish the boundary between normal and il-legal religious activities, between folk custom and extreme religious concepts; 10 ) to identify and distinguish between “monks and lay people”, and“ordinary cases and religious cases”. At present, there are four foundations for managing religious affairs according to the law:1 ) the idea that freedom of faith is not only one’s right, but also one’s duty has gradually enjoyed popular support;2 ) there is a good policy base for managing religious affairs according to the law;3 ) there is a relatively strong theoretical basis for managing religious affairs according to the law;4 ) there exists good legal support for managing reli-gious affairs according to the law.     

三星堆青铜纵目面具与铜兽首冠人像的藏文化解读

This article is the fourth article re-lated to the research of “Zhangzhung·rGyalron· Sanxingdui and Jinsha”—Tibetan cultural interpre-tations of relics unearthed in Sanxingdui and Jin-sha. The main focus of the article is Tibetan cul-tural interpretations of the vertical-eyed bronze mask and the copper statue of a man with an ani-mal head crown in Sanxingdui Museum. 1 . Vertical-eyed bronze mask and Miwo Lon-glong The bronze cultural relics unearthed in Sanx-ingdui or even Jinsha have broad and deep links to ancient Tibetan culture. The vertical-eyed bronze mask is the most typical of the numerous bronze objects depicting human heads. In the following discussion, we would like to give an interpretation of the symbolic meaning of the bronze objects de-picting human heads. In order to draw inferences about other cases from one instance, we would like to choose two typical cases: choosing the vertical-eyed bronze mask as our model of cultural relic, and choosing langshi jiazu ( the Lang family clan) as our model of Tibetan ancient literature. It is generally stated that the eyes of the verti-cal-eyed bronze mask kept in Sanxingdui museum roughly meets the appearance of the Shu people ’ s ancestors, the Cancong, who are recorded as hav-ing “vertical eyes” in the historical books. Some people also believe that “vertical eyes” means“upright eyes”, just like the eye in the forehead of the God Erlang in Chinese ancient myth, so the image might be a statue of an ancestor god. Addi-tionally, some connect it with the frontlet of kuilong ( a sacred dragon in Chinese myth ) , and believe that it is related to zhulong( another sacred dragon in Chinese myth) who has a human head, a dragon ( snake) body, and “upright eyes”. Langshi Jiazu is an important document for studying the political and religious unification sys-tem in Tibetan areas during the Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties, meanwhile, it is also an essential material for the study of the Gesar Epic. Langshi Jiazu was published by Xizang renmin chubanshe ( Tibet People ’ s Publishing House ) for the first time in May, 1986, and the whole book is com-posed of three parts. From the perspective of the ancient Indian centralism and Tibetan centralism, Langshi Jiazu has many unique parts, and its con-tent has an unusual connection with rGyarong in the southeastern part of Tibetan areas. For in-stance , the content of the fist part is very similar to shengniao xiongqiongwang zhuang ( Biography of the Sacred Bird Garuda) recently discovered in the rGyarong area. There is a myth in Langshi Jiazu, and the sto-ry is very common in Bon literature. The academic circle calls it the Bon religion’ s view on the crea-tion of world—the universe is oviparous. Most scholars believe that the view of oviparous creation of the world in Bon religion might be Tibetan peo-ple’ s own cognition. We provide translations to some content included in the Langshi Jiazu, and compare them with the vertical-eyed bronze mask, and notice some information which has been ig-
nored by the current academic circle. For in-stance, the vertical-eyed bronze mask symbolizes“”, Chinese phonetic translation Miwo Longlong, which means “may all your wishes be-come truth”. 2 . Copper statue of a man with an animal head crown in the Bon Religion The copper statue of a man with an animal head crown kept in Sanxingdui Museum is not com-plete, with only the upper part of the body remai-ning. The statue wears an animal head crown. On the two sides of the top crown, there stands two an-imal ears, in between of which there is a curly decoration which looks like an elephant ’ s nose. Apart from the previously-mentioned characteris-tics of the sacred bird Gaguda, the copper statue of a man with an animal head crown also has several other outstanding features, for instance, its crown and posture. The crown is not only high, but also has a rectangular hole, on the top of which there are three long strips. The statue is posed in a grasping gesture. This paper gives firstly an overall interpreta-tion of the copper statue of a man with an animal head crown according to the shengniao xiongqiong-wang zhuang, then gives a Tibetan cultural inter-pretation of the details of the statue. Concerning the knowledge of the three long strips on the crown of the copper statue, this article finds some clues from the angle of philology and archaeology, and proves that the origin of this crown is the sacred hat in Bon religion of Tibet. Moreover, this article also discusses the reason why the crown has these three strips on top of it. The author mentions that it is related to the sacred bird Garuda, and the three strips respectively represent the two wings and horn of the bird. In other words, the strips on the right and left side symbolizes the bird opening its wings and viewing the world, while the strip in the mid-
dle symbolizes that the sacred bird is male, not fe-male. From one aspect, the head dress of adult women in the rGyarong area symbolizes the sacred bird Garuda, and from another aspect, in Tibetan culture, including rGyarong culture, only the sa-cred male bird Garuda has the horn. That means the sacred bird Garuda with a horn must be a male one. Concerning the vertical-eyed bronze mask and the copper statue of a man with an animal head crown unearthed in Sanxingdui, there are still many details that need to be explored, and also we feel that it could be differently interpreted. Howev-er, due to the limitations of space, we will not do a long discussion here, but we do hope that from the examples provided in this article, one can draw inferences about other cases from this one in-stance.     

藏彝走廊回藏民族的源流、分布述论

The Hui and Tibetans, who are found in the Tibetan-Yi corridor, are the most nu-merous and widely distributed ethnic groups in China. They both have unique cultures and reli-gions, and are very influential ethnic groups. Ac-cording to the 2010 demographic census, the pop-ulation of Tibetans in China is 6 ,282 ,187 . Most of them live in the Tibet Autonomous Region while others live in ten other Tibetan autonomous prefec-tures and counties, for example in Yushu Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in Qinghai, Tianzhu Tibet-an Autonomous County in Gansu and Muli Tibetan Autonomous County in Sichuan, etc. The popula-tion of the Hui is 10 ,586 ,087 , and they are dis-tributed in various provinces, prefectures, cities and counties in China.     

藏传佛教哲学思想对藏区社会和谐稳定的功用探析

The principles of the theory of de-pendence arising from emptiness of original nature;of the nature of the human mind, and, the equality of all sentient beings are important philosophical tenets held by the different schools of Tibetan Bud-dhism, and they all have profound ideological im-plication. Through various ways, including belief, promotion, advocation, and education, these three philosophical principles are subtly integrated in most Tibetan people’s ideological structure. This helps them to understand the nature of the uni-verse, purify their minds, and promote their realm of life. As a result, it helps them to deal well with human relations, the relationship between man and nature, and it promotes the harmony and stability of Tibetan society. In today’s society, although so-cial conditions have changed dramatically, these three philosophical principles still play an impor-tant role in promoting the social harmony and sta-bility in Tibetan areas.     

藏传佛教觉囊派在四川藏区的传播与发展

Jonang is one of schools of Tibetan Buddhism. In the writings of the historians, Jo-nang is listed after Nyingma, Kadam, Skya, Kag-gu, and Gelug, or is even listed with the smaller lineages, such as chod, gcod-Yulh, and shalu. However, its “zhentong”( view of the emptiness of others) , as “an unique idea on the emptiness in Tibetan Buddhism”, has attracted the attention of many scholars.     

康定锅庄文化遗产价值新阐释

The understanding of the traditional research of Kangding Guozhuo mainly covers four aspects:1 ) It is widely believed in the academic world that the Guozhuang ( meaning singing and dancing in a circle ) of Kangding was a unique product which combined politics, economics and culture together. 2) It was a specific business form based on the family unit, fulfilling multiple func￣tions such as an inn, a shed, a commodity inter￣mediary, an administrative office, a commodity transformation point, and a banking establishment. And it was also a place for cultural exchange be￣tween the Tibetans and the Han . 3 ) The formation of Guozhuang culture establishes a new element in the culture of the Tibetan-Yi corridor. 4 ) Zheng Shaoxiong mentions that the Guozhuangzhu ( the Guozhuang host ) had played an intermediary role in assisting the Tibetan businessmen to sell or pur￣chase goods - this helped to maintain the trade relations between the Han and Tibetans ( or their communication) . This kind of ingenious institu￣tional arrangement was a historical practice in keeping the balance of the relationship between different cultural communities, such as the Qing court, Tusi ( native officials ) and the Guozhuang host of Kangding. It reflects the wisdom in ethnic interactions, and can be borrowed in present ethnic regional autonomous system.
The above mentioned understanding is a result of study from the perspective of history, ethnology or economics. Although Zheng Shaoxiong’s re￣search was born from the old mindset, and pro￣posed the new value of Guozhuang cultural mecha￣nism, there is still a lack of research on this cul￣ture from such comprehensive perspectives as ur￣ban history, cultural anthropology, and economic anthropology. Thus it cannot fully reveal the fea￣ture and value of Kangding Guozhuang, a complex cultural phenomenon.
Based on existing data, past research, and fieldwork on the oral history of Kangding Guozhuang conducted in August 2013 , this article gives some new interpretations to the features of Guozhuang culture from an interdisciplinary per￣spective as follows:
1 ) The forever “48 Guozhuang” are a Kang￣ding urban memory, which displays the common cultural psychology of regarding Kangding as an important trade city of the Han and Tibetans; and Guozhuang carries a folk cultural memory of more than 200 years. After the gaitu guiliu policy ( re￣placement of native officials with centrally appoint￣ed officials) in the late Qing period, the number of newly appeared Guozhuang even reached 60 to 70 .“Although each of them had its own courtyard, and people also called them Guozhuang, they were still quite different from the 48 Guozhuang in the minds of the Kangding people”. This not only in￣dicates that the 48 Guozhuang within the orthodox system were deeply rooted in the hearts of the local people, but also reflects that Guozhuang were re￣garded as the most proper carrier for the communi￣cation between the Han and Tibetan during the late Qing period, otherwise so many Guozhuang court￣yards would not have appeared in history.
2 ) From the name to its architectural form, or function, a Guozhuang was influenced by the Han culture, however, it still had strong Tibetan char￣acteristics. Actually it could be regarded as a min￣iature of local culture of Kangding. Every Guozhuang had its own Tibetan name and Chinese name. The architectural style of the Guozhuang was actually different from traditional multiple -level blockhouse. There was always a courrtyard, and it was larger than that of Han. The vast court￣yard was not only a space for the Tibetan business￣man to cook food and boil tea, but also a space for organizing their entertainment activities, such as singing and dancing in a circle. You Tai, a minis￣ter of the Qing dynasty in Tibetan areas, recorded a grand dancing party organized by the local Tusi to welcome his arrival, which reflected the significant position of the Guozhuang in cultural activities. The upper-class of the Kham area, including Tusi and the Guozhuang host, tried to build a close re￣lationship with both Tibetan and Han in all means, including the title, kinship relation or customs, and successfully built up a central zone on which both sides can be understood. It was just due to the special geographical location and cultural tradi￣tion that made the reconstruction of a cross cultural buffer zone possible.
3 ) The managers of the Guozhuang were mainly the hostesses ( Ajia Kaba in Tibetan lan￣guage) , and this also reflected a kind of feminism in Kham culture. The tradition of the Dong nv guo ( East Kingdom of Women ) enabled the women to run their business in and out of the family. When the tea trade started, the Guozhuang host had to spend much of their energy on providing service to the Tusi, so the Guozhuang hostess took the re￣sponsibility of managing the business of the Guozhuang. Ajia normally controlled the initiative of negotiation in the Han-Tibetan trade, and they played the role of interpreters in the negotiation. There were many live -in son -in -laws in the family of the Guozhuang and this kind of marriage was even more popular in the period from the late Qing dynasty to the Republican era.
If we conduct an analysis of the value of Kangding Guozhuang from multiple dimensions, we would notice that the existence of the non-market interpersonal model in this institution, on some certain degree, had solved the problem of the lack of social cohesion resulting from marketization. From this angle, the value of Guozhuang culture in the improvement of the economic institutions of the market cannot be ignored.
This fieldwork also reflects the significant and comprehensive influence of the Guozhuang cultural heritage of Kangding. When viewed from this an￣gle, its value is incredible. According to the data collected from the fieldwork, all the people, inclu￣ding officials, scholars, businessman and ordinary people, are aware that the Guozhuang is a cultural heritage which has a high and comprehensive val￣ue. If the relevant government bodies could in￣clude it into the scope of heritage protection, and build it into a cultural space of intangible cultural heritage, it will have a much higher heritage val￣ue , and play an important role both in the econom￣ic development and construction of harmonious eth￣nic relationships.
The Kangding Guozhuang also played a role in the deconstruction of the Han - Tibetan social structure - this kind of value can not only be in￣troduced to the present world and influence the fu￣ture world, but also can be seen as a hub which connects the “ancient” and “modern” Han -Ti￣betan relations. Traditionally, there was a structur￣al rule in the communications between the Han and Tibetan, namely that “the Han and Tibetans are somewhat separated from each other ”, however, the Guozhuang model in Kangding deconstructed this Han-Tibetan rule. This was closely related to elements such as social composition, ways of life, marriage, family, kinship, and religious customs. The disappearance of Guozhuang also has its own causes, for instance, the absence of inheritors and failure in operation of this system. However, this article proposes that it is mainly influenced by the social reforms in the historical process. Hence, that is the reason why modern enterprises which re￣tain certain connotations of the Guozhuang could re-appear in the Kang area. In the survey, we no￣tice that some enterprises have already made efforts in this regard. In summary, Kangding Guozhuang had creatively formed a security institution with a more humanized nature, and played an important role in the alleviation of social tensions in ethnic areas. Contemporary society, composed as it is of people with multi-ethnic backgrounds, still needs this kind of “deconstruction”.     

A Research on the Social Role and Status of Tibetan Females as they Appear in Internet Images

Previous research on Tibetan women’s identity and status are mainly concentrat-ed in the role and function of women in the family, production,labor,work and religious affairs within Tibetan society. Ho...     

Overview of Khampa Tibetan-drama

Tibetan-drama is a representative part of the splendid Tibetan historical culture.It holds an important historical position in Tibetan cultural art, and is regarded as “the pinnacle of Tibetan arts”.Kh...     

作为思想的西藏宗教——评《西藏宗教之旅》

西藏的文明以其特有的魅力不断吸引中外学者,催生出藏学这样一个国际性研究领域。而在国际藏学界,意大利藏学家图齐(Giaseppe Tucci,1894～1984)绝对是不容忽视的人物。他曾先后八次进入西藏实地考察,撰写出专著十余部,论文一百多篇。而在这些作品中,《西藏宗教之旅》(1970)②从一出版就轰动了藏学界。这本书图文并茂,分七章论述西藏的宗教。从叙述的内容来看,这七章可以分为两大部分。前五章为第一     

Research on the Distribution and Characteristics of Moso Ethnic Costume during the Ming and Qing Dynasties

The “Moso” (麽些) during the Ming and Qing dynasties includes present day Naxi, as well as the present day Mongolians in the areas of Muli, Yanyuan, and the “Nari” and“Namuyi” branches of the Tibetan ....     

The Tibetan Written Language

From the middle of the 19th century the Tibetan language became the object of interest of Eu-ropean linguists not only as the instrument for the studies of the history and culture of the CentralAsia, but as an important component of Sino--Tibetan linguistics. The problems of the Tibetan writing system were specially studied by R. A. Miller, Geza U-rai, M. Hahn and in a more general way by A. Csoma De Koroshi, Jaschke, J. N. Reorich, Qu     

第七届国际藏学研讨会漫记

举世瞩目的第七届国际藏学研讨会(7th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies)于1995年6月24日落下了帷幕。会议自6月18日起整整进行了7天,是在奥地利格拉茨市南36公里的色高古堡举行的(1995. June. 18th—24th, GRAE,Seggau Schloss)     

藏族量理摄类学形色与显色略观

Tibetan logic is regarded as the number one vital discipline among the Five Vol-umes of Teachings of Tibetan Buddhist philosophy. Its main characteristics are concentrated in the the-oretical system of the collected topics of logic ( bs-dus grwa) . The most profound, systemic and over-all research on the Collected Topic of Logic is the Bse Ghag Dbang Bkr Shis’s Collected Topics of Log-ic which is regarded as a comprehensive expression of the history of Tibetan collected topics of logic. Accordingly, we take this book as the focus of this article in order to make an analysis. Based on the historical development of the discipline as well as the different academic interests of various schools, the Tibetan Collected Topics of Logic has devel-oped into different summarized topics, such as the thirteen summarized topics, the eighteen summa-rized topics, the twenty one summarized topics, the twenty five summarized topics, the twenty sev-en summarized topics and the thirty summarized topics, etc. Although the summarized topics of the Collected Topics differ widely, all of them can be reduced synthetically into three different paths of reasoning, respectively as the intermediate, ad-vanced, and introductory path of reasoning. Of course, in addition to these three different paths of reasoning, some scholars also add epistemology and syllogism as the fourth one, therefore saying that there was a total of four different paths of rea-soning. Other scholars, based upon the intermedi-ate, advanced, introductory paths of reasoning, add epistemology as the fourth, and syllogism as the fifth, thereby promoting a total of five paths of reasoning. Nevertheless, nowadays, the general classification approach is usually still based on the principle of “the first introductory path of reason-ing, the second advanced path of reasoning and the third intermediate path of reasoning.” We will, thus, follow this kind of general classification to conduct our analysis.     

第五届国际藏学会议与会议论文介绍

第五届国际藏学会议(V.International Seminar on Tibetan Studies)于1989年8月27日至9月2日在日本成田举行。会议由国际藏学会(International Associalion for Tibetan Studies)主持召开。此次会议的执行主席是日本藏学家伊莲昭原(Ihara Shoren),会议得到了成田佛学院(The Naritasan Institute for Buddhist Studies)的资助。参加会议的代表来自27个国家和地区约150余人,其中人数最多的是东道主日本,达50多人;其次是美国,为16人;联邦德国10人;苏联7人,印度7人;英国、奥地利、不丹各5人;法国、瑞士、尼伯尔各4人;澳大利亚、意大利、荷