改进候选人提名方式要实现『四个转变』

党的十七大报告指出,要"改革党内选举制度,改进候选人提名制度和选举方式".干部选拔任用提名是干部选拔任用的关键环节,是整个干部工作的基础,也是影响选人用人质量的重要因素.     

完善乡镇党政干部选拔任用初始提名制度的设想

乡镇党委班子建设的成功与否关系到党的新农村建设的各项部署,影响着党的凝聚力和战斗力,更影响着党与人民群众之间血肉联系。乡镇党政领导干部初始提名制度是干部选拔任用制度的有机组成部分,其完善与否直接影响到党内基层民主政治建设,进而会影响到中国特色社会主义民主政治建设。文章从规范干部候选人的提名程序,优化候选人结构、提高进入门槛,将竞争机制引入党政干部提名过程等方式,进一步优化党政干部的提名工作等四个方面进行阐述,提出进一步完善乡镇干部选拔任用初始提名制度的设想。     

世卫总干事选举陈冯富珍胜出 获大会批准后将正式就任，将开华人主政国际组织先河

世界卫生组织（WHO）执行委员会8日提名中国政府推荐的来自香港特别行政区的候选人陈冯富珍女士为世卫组织总干事唯一候选人，提交9日召开的世界卫生大会，由193个成员审议批准。提名获得世界卫生大会批准后，陈冯富珍女士将正式担任世卫组织下任总干事，接替今年5月22日因病去世的前总干事李钟郁博士。     

形式理性视角下的人大选举提名制度研究——以辽宁贿选案为例

形式理性通过法律条文设计、具体情势应用、逻辑方法推导、程序融合等特征,体现出较高的理论价值与实践意义。《选举法》等法律对人大选举提名制度做了具体规定。辽宁贿选案暴露出在人大提名制度中,存在党组织提名无规范、提名主持机构不中立、正式代表候选人未明确、代表候选人资格未要求诸多问题。人大选举提名制度应该迁移形式理性特征,在选举提名制度的细则性规定、选举主持机构的改革、代表提名比例的调整和救济机制的补充等方面进行完善。     

麦凯恩是个怎样的人

进入5月份以来,随着民主党内总统候选人提名战开展得如火如荼,已经率先出线的共和党总统候选人麦凯恩却陷入尴尬境地。一方面他希望民主党参选人希拉里和奥巴马之间的厮杀一直能够继续,这样他可以坐收渔翁之利;另一方面,媒体对民主党内初选的关注,却使得麦凯恩备受冷落,仿佛这场总统大选本来就与他没有任何关系。为此,麦凯恩不得不在他所擅长的外交与安全政策问题上提高分贝,以显示自己的存在。     

通过程序优化与技术改进完善人大制度

<正>基于《宪法》《选举法》的精神,对人大代表的选举有必要在程序优化与技术改进方面做一些探索性的工作,具体可以从以下三个要点入手:第一,将人大代表候选人的产生与干部选拔任用分开。对于省市人大代表候选人的提名工作,可以考虑成立一个专门的人大代表选举委员会,这个委员会由人大常委会负责组织,成员包括人大常委会、党委组织部和统战部、政协相关部门等,该委员会仅履行推荐并提名人大代表候选人的职责。第二,强化人大代表的地域属性而淡化其身份属性。从人类政治史的实践来看,凡     

规范副职任用推荐提名机制的实践与思考

为不断深化干部人事制度改革,浙江省上虞市围绕规范干部选拔任用提名制度这一难点,推出17个副科级领导职位,探索实施以多元主体提名荐优、综合量化比较择优、差额提名考察定优为内容的副职提名任用三优工作法,规范副职提任人选推荐提名机制,既扩大了干部工作中的民主,也提高了提名任用的质量。     

领导干部选任初始提名责任制分析

领导干部选任初始提名先于民主推荐进行,直接关系后续程序进展,是人事制度改革的关键环节。随着党中央初始提名认识深化和提名制度改革意见的提出,各地进行了广泛的初始提名责任制建设,但在具体实施过程中存在着初始提名主客体模糊、提名程序混乱、提名责任缺失等问题。根据中央战略部署,在借鉴中国古代和西方资本主义国家相关政治实践经验基础上,应进一步构建初始提名责任制,实施提名主体明晰化、提名客体标准化、提名程序规范化、提名责任完善化,以促进政治生态良性发展。     

公推直选基层领导干部的实践困境及完善思路

<正>公推直选是完善竞争性选拔干部方式的重要举措,是党内民主带动人民民主的一种实现形式。党的十七大报告指出,要"改革党内选举制度,改进候选人提名制度和选举方式。推广基层党组织领导班子成员由党员和群众公开推荐与上级党组织推荐相结合的办法,逐步扩大基层党组织领导班子直接选举范围,探索扩大党内基层民主多种实现形式"。党的十八大报告进一步指出,要"完善党内选举制度,规范差额提名、差额选举,形成充分体现选举人意志的程序和环境"。这些论述在充     

规范和完善地方民主选举工作的几点建议

党的十一届三中全会以来,我国地方民主选举的法律法规不断完善,人民参与民主选举的热情日趋高涨。通过民主选举,一大批德才兼备、群众公认的干部走上了地方领导岗位,有力地促进了地方各项工作的开展。但是,在地方民主选举中,还存在一些不容忽视的问题,比如,限制和阻挠代表联合提名、“陪选”、拉票贿选等。这些问题并非只是发生在个别省份、个别地区的少数地方,而是带有一定的普遍性。这些问题不但严重损害了法律的尊严,阻碍了社会主义民主政治建设的进程,而且还严重损害了党在群众中的形象,影响了党的威信。产生这些问题的原因很多,较为突…     

The Determinants and Effects of Board Nomination Committees*

This article assesses the corporate governance-related antecedents of nomination committee adoption, and the impact of nomination committees’ existence and their composition on board independence and board demographic diversity. We conducted a longitudinal study of board composition amongst 210 Swiss public companies from January 2001 through December 2003, a period during which the Swiss (Stock) Exchange (SWX) introduced new corporate governance-related disclosure guidelines. We find firms with nomination committees are more likely to have a higher number of independent and foreign directors, but not more likely to have a higher number of female board members. Further, the existence of nomination committees is associated with a higher degree of nationality diversity but is not related to board educational diversity. We also find that nomination committee composition matters in the nomination of independent and foreign, but not of female directors. Our results suggest that understanding different board roles and composition require a multi-theoretical approach, and that agency theory, resource-dependence theory and group effectiveness theory help to explain different aspects of board composition and effectiveness. Finally, the article discusses the concept of diversity and appropriate ways to study diversity in a boardroom context. * The Editor acknowledges that Hans van Ees, Morten Huse, and Jonas Gabrielsson – convenors of the EURAM (European Academy of Management) Corporate Governance track in 2004 – acted as Co-Editors on this paper.     

Signaling and Election Motivations in a Voting Model with Common Values and Responsive Candidates

In this paper we focus on strategic voting behavior when both an election and a signaling motivation affect voters' behavior. We analyze a model of elections with two candidates competing on a one‐dimensional policy space. Voters are privately and imperfectly informed about a common shock affecting the electorate's preferences. Candidates are assumed to choose policy in response to information gleaned from election results and according to exogenous factors that may lead to polarization in candidates' policy choices. We analyze a subset of symmetric equilibria in which strategies are symmetric to candidates' names and private signals (CSS equilibria). We show that signaling and election motivations pull voters to vote in different directions. We provide conditions that show the relation between the amount of information aggregated in the election and the motivation that influences voting behavior the most. Finally, we show that when candidates are responsive and polarized, all CSS equilibria are inefficient in the limit.     

The shadow dance of political climate: Engagement in political behavior in local government authorities

In describing the processes of organizations as political acts, we are not making a moral judgment; we simply are making an observation about a process. Bacharach and Lawler, 1980, p. 2.This study focuses on the ways a perceived political climate influences engagement in political behavior during a national election period. By using social cognitive theory as a way to predict behavior in organizations, we study how managers' engagement in political behavior is shaped. A qualitative research methodology was used. Sixteen interviews with managers were conducted in various local authorities during the 2015 election campaign for Israel's parliament. Participants perceived an intensification of political climate during the pre-election period, which they attributed to a significant connection between electoral and intraorganizational politics. Additionally, a perceived organizational political climate intensifies engagement in a range of political behaviors throughout an organization and is connected with an administrative role. The findings suggest that managers use “political capital” that the election period provides to influence and manipulate their organization's future and their own.     

Impartial Nominations for a Prize

A group of peers must choose one of them to receive a prize; everyone cares only about winning, not about who gets the prize if someone else. An award rule is impartial if one's message never influences whether or not one wins the prize. We explore the consequences of impartiality when each agent nominates a single (other) agent for the prize. On the positive side, we construct impartial nomination rules where both the influence of individual messages and the requirements to win the prize are not very different across agents. Partition the agents in two or more districts, each of size at least 3, and call an agent a local winner if he is nominated by a majority of members of his own district; the rule selects a local winner with the largest support from nonlocal winners, or a fixed default agent in case there is no local winner. On the negative side, impartiality implies that ballots cannot be processed anonymously as in plurality voting. Moreover, we cannot simultaneously guarantee that the winner always gets at least one nomination, and that an agent nominated by everyone else always wins.     

The enduring allure of charisma: How Barack Obama won the historic 2008 presidential election

We apply charismatic leadership theory to the historic 2008 United States presidential election, in hopes of inspiring dialogue around how leadership theory can inform the critical process of evaluating and electing public leaders. While numerous leadership theories are relevant to understanding the 2008 election, charismatic leadership theory highlights aspects of the leader, followers, and the unfolding economic crisis that are particularly relevant in helping us to understand how a relatively inexperienced political outsider ascended to the US Presidency. Given the potential perils and challenges newly elected President Barack Obama faces in the months and years ahead, we also suggest four core strategies rooted in charismatic leadership theory that may help him capitalize on his early charismatic appeal, as well as avoid the pitfalls of charisma that have plagued some of his predecessors.     

DEMOCRATIC PEACE AND ELECTORAL ACCOUNTABILITY

Democracies rarely engage in conflicts with one another, though they are not averse to fighting autocracies. We exploit the existence in many countries of executive term limits to show that electoral accountability is the key reason behind this “democratic peace” phenomenon. We construct a new dataset of term limits for a sample of 177 countries over the 1816–2001 period, and combine this information with a large dataset of interstate conflicts. Our empirical analysis shows that, although democracies are significantly less likely to fight each other, democracies with leaders who face binding term limits are as conflict prone as autocracies. The study of electoral calendars confirms the importance of re‐election incentives: in democracies with two‐term limits, conflicts are less likely to occur during the executive's first mandate than in the last one. Our findings support the Kantian idea that elections act as a discipline device, deterring leaders from engaging in costly conflicts.     

Technical and Democratic Values in Risk Analysis1

So, we can argue that the lay public are not fools in their attitudes about risk. That nonexperts should show more concern over hazardous waste facilities in their neighborhoods than radon levels in their homes is not a sign of irrationality (because aggregate and individual risks are greater from the radon), but simply a sign that nonexperts are working from a different set of criteria. These criteria are incorporated in what I call the democratic model. The democratic model evaluates risk based on its social and political consequences, such as possible disruption in the social fabric or a loss of communality. Lay criteria for assessing the impact of risk decisions are not explicit, like the those of the risk analyst, but are embedded in cultural values. Similarly, lay evaluations of risk incorporate substantive and procedural democratic values, such as the acceptability of processes for making decisions, the ethics of the distribution of risk, and the capacity to control a source of risk in the community's interests. Finally, the democratic model relates judgments about risks to the competence (Can we trust them?) and the legitimacy (Should we trust them?) of the social institutions that impose and control those risks. The public's judgments about risk are not inferior, but different, and arguably richer than those of the experts.     

When conflict fuels negativity. A large-scale comparative investigation of the contextual drivers of negative campaigning in elections worldwide

We investigate the contextual conditions under which campaigns in elections worldwide are fought “negatively”, that is, rely on attacks against political opponents. We test the overarching intuition that societal, political, and cultural conflicts in the country are associated with greater negativity in election campaigns; conflicts, we argue, sow political discord. We test this intuition via a large-scale comparative dataset that covers 136 national elections across more than 100 countries worldwide that happened between June 2016 and March 2020, based on the expert judgments of more than 2000 scholars - to the best of our knowledge, the single largest comparative dataset about the content of elections worldwide. Our results show that countries in which elections are fought under a majoritarian or plurality rule tend to witness higher campaign negativity, and so are countries characterized by higher income inequality, deeper ethnic fragmentation, and higher individualism. Similarly, election competitiveness and ideological diversity of competing actors both tend to be associated with a greater use of negative campaigning, and so is news media preference for sensationalism.     

2009最具创新力公司TOP30

How can companies prosper in spite of the economic downturn? How can companies use their limited capital in an area where it works best? This area is innovation. For the third year, Sino-manager has elected China's Most Innovative Companies. During this election and its related interviews, we have found that Chinese business leaders and best corporate executives have recognized the need to step up innovation efforts in economic downturns. Many wellknow companies are increasing their investment in innovation...     

美的:让创新系统化 将市场占有率作为第一战略目标

2009年8月,广东美的电器股份有限公司增发A股股票1.891亿股,投资者愿意集万千宠爱于美的一身,看中的不仅是它现实的盈利回报,更在于它持续创新所带来的几乎触手可及的未来盈利潜力。作为中国的白色家电龙头企业,