Inequality of opportunity in the United Kingdom, 1991–2008

We investigate the extent to which the tax-and-transfer system of the United Kingdom equalizes opportunities for income attainment among citizens. Within the framework of Roemer’s theory of Equality of Opportunity, and using individual data from the British Household Panel Survey from 1991 to 2008, we calculate the tax rates necessary to equalize opportunities for different circumstances. We provide a ranking of these circumstances by the degree to which they influence income attainment. Although pre-fisc equality of opportunity increases over time, the tax rate necessary to equalize opportunities remains higher than the observed tax rate. Only under a relatively high labour supply elasticity the observed UK tax rate fares well in equalizing opportunities for income attainment.     

Self-Employed People in the United Kingdom: Included or Excluded?

Within the United Kingdom social security scheme, self-employed people remain excluded from some of the most valuable benefits, yet there is some evidence to suggest underuse of benefits to which they do have access. There are administrative problems in dealing with applications for benefit from self-employed people, and there is considerable undercollection of the National Insurance contributions that are due. Self-employed people in the United Kingdom are not well provided for through private pensions and insurance. The author draws on her recent research, and argues that a fundamental review of social security for self-employed people in the United Kingdom is overdue.     

Radical alternative conceptualizations of the classical welfare state? Contrasting the United Kingdom and the Netherlands with Norway

In many countries, new, broad, and normative “conceptions of society” gained prominence that represent fundamentally different discursive alternatives to the classical welfare state. We present two political projects that contain radical alternative conceptualizations of the classical welfare state, the “Big Society” in Britain and the “Participation Society” in the Netherlands, and contrast these with Norwegian developments, where no such a radical alternative conceptualization of the welfare state can be found. We show that the British and Dutch political projects were attempts to replace the welfare state, whereas there is no comparable big idea about a radical overhaul of the welfare state in Norway. Our analysis contributes to a better understanding of a fundamental shift in welfare state reform, namely a radical reconsidering of the ideational and normative foundation that defines and underpins what the welfare state is or should be.     

Does Radical Partisan Politics Affect National Income Distributions? Congressional Polarization and Income Inequality in the United States, 1913–2008*

Recent research indicates that political polarization in Congress and income inequality share a closely linked positive association. But virtually no studies examine the direction of influence between these variables as it is assumed that income inequality causes political polarization. The major purpose of this investigation is to examine the temporal causal ordering of these variables. Methods. This study constructs a time series national‐level data set with information for the years 1913 to 2008. Vector autoregression and granger causality tests are utilized to explore the temporal causal ordering of congressional polarization and the income share of the top 0.1, 1.0, 5.0, and 10.0 percent of earners in the United States. Autoregressive conditional heteroskedasticity regressions are also employed to assess the strength of the association between congressional polarization and top incomes net of relevant control variables. Results. The findings indicate that the past values of congressional polarization are better predictors of top income shares than vice versa. The results also demonstrate that polarization in the House of Representatives produces a more consistent and robust connection with top incomes than polarization in the Senate. Lastly, congressional polarization only produces robust associations with the income share of the top 0.1 and 1.0 percent of earners but not for the top 5.0 and 10.0 percent. Conclusion. While the Senate possesses more powerful negative agenda control procedures to stifle the legislative processes vis‐à‐vis the House, it is polarization in the latter that returns the more robust associations with income inequality.     

Academic Affiliations of Social Work Journal Article Authors from 1999–2003: A Productivity Analysis from the United Kingdom

ABSTRACT

Following the protocols established by Ligon, Jackson, and Thyer (2007), author affiliations of 639 articles published in five UK social work journals between 1999 and 2003 were tabulated to generate a ranking of universities. Seventy-three universities published three or more articles. The findings are discussed in relation to the earlier article by Ligon et al. (2007) Ligon, J., Jackson, D. L. and Thyer, B. 2007. Academic affiliations of social work journal article authors from 1993–2003: A productivity analysis spanning 25 years of social work scholarship. Journal of Social Service Research, 33(2): 13–20. [Taylor & Francis Online] , [Google Scholar]. It is argued that a globalized approach to the analysis of the productivity of social work academics should be developed. A first step might be the integration of the U.S. and UK productivity analysis for relevant years.     

Does female employment affect fertility? Evidence from the United Kingdom

This paper tests the validity of the proposition that there is a causal relationship between fertility choice and female employment in a multivariate framework during the period 1958–1998 in the United Kingdom. Following recent advances in economic and demographic theory the nexus between female employment and fertility is reexamined taking into account changes in the labor market and the overall real economic activity. Our key finding is that expanding the estimating equations to control for the influences of changes in real wages and real output creates a positive relationship between fertility and female employment and a negative relationship between fertility and real wages. Finally, fertility choice should not be considered exogenous to the female employment, the labor market or the growth process.     

Inequality in the welfare state? Local variation in care of the elderly – the case of Sweden

This article uses Sweden as an example to describe and analyse municipal variation in services and care for elderly people. Responsibility for these services lies with the municipalities. National statistical data on municipalities are analysed to map out the variations in old-age care; to study compensating factors in the care system; and to explore the connection with municipal structural and political conditions. The overall finding of the bivariate analyses was that most relations with structure and policy were weak or non-existent. The final multivariate model explained only 15% of the variance. The large differences between municipalities makes it more appropriate to talk about a multitude of 'welfare municipalities' rather than one single welfare state. The article concludes that this municipal disparity constitutes a greater threat to the principle of equality in care of the elderly than gender and socio-economic differences.     

Evaluation of the United States NorthwestOrdinance of 1787

On13July1787,whilemostofthenotablefiguresfromtheAmericanConfederateCongresswereinPhiladelphiaattendingtheU.S.ConstitutionalConvention,asecondmeetingofCongresswasheldinNewYorkandtheNorthwestOrdinancewaspassedbyamajorityvote(therewasonedissentingvote).Thisordinance,whichestablishedtheprinciplesformanagementofthewesternterritory,hadaprofoundeffectontheopeningupofthewestandtheestablishmentoffuturestates.However,Americanhistoriansaredividedoverthequestionoftheordinance,andChinesehistoriansand…     

Satsuma＇s Invasion of the Ryukyu Kingdom and Changes in the Geopolitical Structure of East Asia＊

16世纪末至17世纪初,东亚地区的地缘政治格局发生了此消彼长的变化。明王朝内忧外患,财政疲惫,国力日渐衰落,而日本则随着丰臣秀吉统一大业的完成逐渐崛起。以明王朝为中心,建立在封贡体制下的传统东亚国际秩序受到日本的挑战。在此背景之下,日本萨摩藩入侵琉球对东亚地缘政治格局产生重要影响。随着琉球王国两属地位的确立,东亚地区中、日两强相争的地缘政治格局逐渐形成。明朝政府海洋意识淡薄,对琉球群岛地缘战略意义的重要性认识不足,在对待萨摩藩入侵琉球问题上态度消极,特别是对待琉球王国两属外交的容忍,纵容了日本对琉球群岛进一步扩张的野心,最终导致近代日本对琉球王国强行吞并。可以说,日本萨摩藩对琉球王国的军事征服,预示了明王朝的衰落和日本的崛起。     

Determinants of presidents’ legislative support in the House, 1949–1995

This paper has several purposes. First, it illustrates the changing nature of research on presidential–congressional relations. In general, scholarship has moved away from viewing the president as the dominant actor in the relationship, toward one of congressional influence, and ultimately toward emphasizing more equal power sharing between the two institutions. Second, we discuss our use of the most widely used measures of such relationships, presidents’ legislative support and success and our rationale for choosing the former. Third, we introduce three broad environments of presidential–congressional relations in order to explain such support from what we call a multiple perspectives approach. We find that variables from each of the three environments are important in explaining presidential support in the House. Fourth, we control for policy areas using the two presidencies typology and observe significant differences in support by domestic and foreign policy. Our multivariate two stage least squares (2SLS) analysis explains considerable variance in support across all three models. Finally, we explicate how our approach improves our understanding of this important presidential–congressional interaction.