多元文化主义对多民族国家政治整合的启示——以美国和加拿大为例

国家统一与民族多元是现代多民族国家政治整合的基本问题.对美国和加拿大的多元文化主义处理国家统一与民族多元二者关系的实践考察及其局限性和不足的分析,对中国民族区域自治制度的坚持和完善,实现多民族国家中国的政治整合,无疑具有重要的启示.     

族际政治视野中的自治、共治和多元文化主义

在族际政治的视野中,自治、共治和多元文化主义,都是共生性的政治概念,具有共同的理论来源和实践价值,彼此互补、渗透、包含,有着内在的逻辑联系。多元文化主义承认现代国家内由于历史和当代的原因而造成的多元文化现象,承认不同文化共存的社会现实,为包括民族区域自治这种特殊制度安排的必要性提供了理论支持;而作为开放的制度法律架构形式的民族自治和自治-共治机制,又为多元文化主义政策体系的顺利实施提供了制度空间,是多元文化主义政策体系收获预期效果的现实路径和有效手段。全球化进程的深入凸显了族际政治的重要价值,多民族国家应坚持多元文化主义的核心价值,进一步发展和完善自治-共治机制。     

多元文化背景下少数民族的认同困境及其应对思考

目前,“多元文化主义”已发展成为一种政治思想,在如何看待文化、政治和民族等方面都有着自己的观点.少数民族遭遇多元文化主义,将在民族文化与国家文化、民族自治与国家治理、民族身份与公民身份的关系等问题上产生认同困境.何以应对？核心理念是坚持“尊重多样,包容差异”原则.本文以中国为例尝试了深入的剖析.具体而言,党和国家需注重中华文化的内涵发展、自治权利的法律实践和公民身份的科学构建等议题的探讨,通过消解少数民族认同上的困境,提升中国各民族的中华文化认同、中国政治认同和中华民族认同,加强社会凝聚力、民族向心力和国家统合力.     

多元文化主义视阈下的少数民族权利问题

历史地看,多元文化主义一开始就与少数民族争取平等权利的要求密切相关。当前关于多元文化主义与少数民族权利的研究有两个特点,一是并不严格区分多元文化主义的不同维度;二是往往把多元文化主义仅视为少数民族的权利理论,没有从多民族国家构建的角度理解多元文化主义的重要意义。本文认为,多元文化主义至少存在于事实、理论、意识形态、政策和价值理念五个维度,每个维度下的"少数民族权利"都呈现出不同的面相,具有不同的意义和效果。少数民族权利保护与多民族国家构建是同一个历史过程的两个方面。多元文化主义不仅仅是少数民族的权利理论,它也是多民族国家构建的重要理论支点。     

论多元化国家的实现:从多元文化公民权出发的讨论

同质预设与异质现实的矛盾是民族国家的根本问题。现代社会要与自身的内部多样性和解,必须在本质上超越这一范式。公民国家和多元文化主义作为回应这一问题的两种主要方案,从两个相反的方向分别抓住了多元现代国家的一个面向,但二者都未能彻底走出民族国家困境。而威尔·金里卡的多元文化公民权理论通过把文化性纳入政治本身,将多元文化主义与公民制度有机结合在了一起,提出了一种真正超越了民族国家的新的国家形式。但多元文化公民权无法保证多元化国家的团结,这需要公民宗教和宪法爱国主义的补充。     

检验自由主义多元文化论假设——政治哲学规范理论和社会科学的证据

在20世纪90年代的大部分时间里,多元文化主义的学术文献主要出自政治哲学家之手,采用的是政治哲学的规范理论。这些政治哲学家创立了具有显著自由—民主和平等思想的多元文化主义公民身份的理想化理论。这种"自由主义的多元文化主义假说"认为,采用多元文化主义政策,不会危害西方核心价值观:自由、民主。这个观点非常具有影响力,它不仅影响了多元文化主义在哲学领域中的学术讨论,而且广泛地影响其他学术领域,影响公共生活。然而,许多社会科学家却怀疑多元文化主义在现实世界中是否如此无害。考察了加拿大和其他国家及地区的现有证据,用实证的方法检验自由民主观念下的多元文化主义的假设。这些论据将告诉人们:自由—民主理念下的多元文化主义的前景是什么?多元文化政策对自由—民主价值观有什么样的影响?     

超越多元文化主义——对加拿大多元文化主义政治思想的反思

自20世纪70年代兴起的多元文化主义政策适应了加拿大社会的发展,取得了良好的成就,并在世界上产生了广泛影响.但多元文化主义坚持以族裔集体权利为基础、强调不同族群"差异平等"的观点具有一定的局限性.相关国家并未全盘照搬加拿大的多元文化主义政治思想,说明该政治思想无论在理论上还是在逻辑上并不具有"超越时空"的价值.在全球化的今天,仅仅从形式上承认和保护少数族裔的集体权利是不够的,还必须注重通过经济和文化的合作促进各个民族的共同进步与民族融合.     

多元文化主义对族裔少数群体权利的理论建构

多元文化主义关注的核心焦点是族裔文化多样性和族裔少数群体权利保护的问题,它的发展过程就是对族裔少数群体权利保护的建构过程。贯穿多元文化主义建构族裔少数群体权利的逻辑始末的线索就是族裔少数群体的三重身份问题:差异公民身份是多元文化主义建构族裔少数群体权利的事实基础,公共公民身份是建构族裔少数群体权利的政治逻辑,而文化成员身份则是建构族裔少数群体权利的道德空间。族裔少数群体权利不仅保护了群体内的个人自由,而且还可以促进群体间的平等关系,它是对公民权利的有效补充。多元文化主义建构族裔少数群体权利具有突破性的积极价值,同时也存在潜在的结构性危险,它的发展需要进一步明确方向。     

21世纪加拿大多元文化主义:挑战与争论

重新检讨多元文化主义的价值,认为它是加拿大一个非常重要的政策。它的重要性不仅在于建构国家的认同,而且保证加拿大成为一个包容、平等和民主的社会。首先叙述多元文化主义的历史发展,着重多元文化主义之含义的蜕变。同时将探讨多元文化主义与其他加拿大价值观念(诸如平等和民主)的关系。最后认为须对多元文化主义的内涵加以扩大以容纳各种文化。唯有如此,每一个公民才能融入一个集体的意见交流过程,共商如何建构国家认同与国家主义。     

多元文化教育视角下的少数民族公民教育

中国是由 5 6个民族组成的多民族国家 ,每一个少数民族都拥有自己独特的文化传统与宗教信仰 ,因此 ,少数民族人民的公民教育便具有自身的特点和规律性。从多元文化教育理论的角度思考少数民族公民教育模式 ,探索多元文化基础上的公民培养机制 ,具有重要的现实意义     

Constructing a social space for Alevi political identity: religion,antagonism and collective passion

ABSTRACT

This paper analyses the construction of an Alevi political identity in terms of cultural, social and religious values at a time when the role of religion is increasing in the political life of Turkey. It indicates the emergence of a new form of conflict and hegemonic articulation between Sunnism and Alevism that offers an alternative means of conflict resolution by the Alevi political agents within a radical pluralism and agonistic democracy. It also argues that the social construction of Alevi political identity is both a political project and an ontological question as this identity focuses on religious discourses in establishing a counter-hegemonic culture through mobilizing political ‘collective passion’.     

Misadventures with Aboriginalism

For 30 years the dominant approach to Aboriginal affairs in Australia has been to support cultural recovery and accommodate cultural difference in the expectation that this will enhance Aborigines’ and Torres Strait Islanders’ equality as citizens.This approach has been driven by a dialectic of progressivist desire to ameliorate the effects of earlier colonialist policy and Aboriginalist discourse that assumes isolable cultures, unitary identities and uni-directional causes of marginalisation. That discursive formation, once counter to dominant colonialist discourse, has now itself become normative, internally repressive, counter-productive and resistant to change. This is the national misadventure with Aboriginalism. This paper argues that this unexpected development is a product of the national governing attempt to gain control through public policy that is inadequate to Aborigines’ contemporary lived reality of interculturality, post-ethnicity and political agency. It uses an indicative case study and an analysis of the national misadventure to propose a deliberative intercultural approach to public policy in respect of Aborigines.     

Book reviews

The Good Friday Agreement of 1998 gave an opportunity to remake not just political institutions, but ethno-religious distinction in Northern Ireland. This article looks at how individuals reconstruct their way of being Protestant in Ireland and Northern Ireland in the context of social and political change. It shows individuals renegotiating their ways of being Protestant, attempting sometimes successfully to change its socio-cultural salience, blurring ethnic boundaries, distinguishing religious and ethno-national narratives, drawing universalistic political norms from their particular religious tradition. It argues that these renegotiations are highly sensitive to the macro-political context. Changes in this context affect individuals through their changing cognitive understandings and strategic interests that, at least in this case, are as important to identification as social solidarities.     

藏北牧民公民权和政治权的人类学考察——以那曲牧区村落社会为例

西藏民主改革后藏北牧民获得了真正意义上的公民权和政治权。在藏北牧区的村落社会中,村民自治是牧民享有公民权和政治权的一个重要生活场景,村民委员会的选举,村民自治组织的权威性,村落社会成员的社会规范,从人类学的视野考察这三者互动所构成的村民政治生活图景,正是牧民公民权和政治权在微观层面的真实反映。     

Fostering of Civil Society by Muslim Women's NGOs in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Fostering of civil society is vital in multiethnic, multicultural, multi-religious and post-conflict societies such as that of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Therefore, this paper examines the role of Muslim women's non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in fostering of civil society in Bosnia-Herzegovina. In this regard, this paper puts in the perspective present role of Muslim women's NGOs by providing the theoretical background and a survey of NGOs in Bosnia-Herzegovina. In order to determine the role and function of Muslim women's NGOs, the author examines main criteria of civil society functions such as control of political power, monitoring of political participation and elections, promoting of anti-corruption awareness, advocating values of human rights, tolerance and understanding, offering civic training, promoting civic education and public issues through media, and promoting conflict resolution and interfaith dialogue. By analyzing civil society functions, this paper answers a question of Muslim women's NGOs involvement in socio-political aspects of a democratic state and fostering of civil society in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The author uses ethnographic methodology, written sources and interviews in analyzing two leading Muslim Women's NGOs such as Nahla Education Center for Women and Kewser-Zehra Association of Muslim Women. The results of this paper indicate that although Muslim women's NGOs in theory do not emphasize on several civil society actors, especially those of political and legal nature, they are significantly involved throughout their various activities in socio-political aspects of the democratic state and as such they have contributed significantly toward fostering of civil society in Bosnia-Herzegovina.     

科举与传统客家村落社会--以闽西武北村落为例

在以往的村落社会研究中,很少见到有关于科举的论述.而以往的科举研究也很少涉及村落社会,且多从文献出发,缺少田野调查的资料.本文试图在田野调查的基础上,结合相关历史文献,以闽西武北客家村落为例,就科举与传统村落社会的诸多关系做一考察.文章认为,科举对传统村落社会产生了深刻而持久的影响,举凡传统村落的乡塾村校、社会结构、对外交往、社会观念、社会风俗都打上了科举的烙印,渗透着浓厚的科举色彩.     

Ambivalent Islam: the identity construction of Muslims under Portuguese colonial rule

This article wishes to contribute to the study of the historical processes that have been spotting Muslim populations as favourite targets for political analysis and governance. Focusing on the Portuguese archives, civil as well as military, the article tries to uncover the most conspicuous identity representations (mainly negative or ambivalent) that members of Portuguese colonial apparatus built around Muslim communities living in African colonies, particularly in Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique. The paper shows how these culturally and politically constructed images were related to the more general strategies by which Portuguese imagined their own national identity, both as ‘European’ and as ‘coloniser’ or ‘imperial people’.

The basic assumption of this article is that policies enforced in a context of inter-ethnic and religious competition are better understood when linked to the identity strategies inherent to them. These are conceived as strategic constructions aimed at the preservation, protection and imaginary expansion of the subject, who looks for groups to be included in and out-groups to reject, exclude, aggress or eliminate. The author argues that most of the inter-ethnic relationships and conflicts, as well as the very experience of ethnicity, are born from this identity matrix.     

中国现代国家构建中的族际政治整合

族际政治整合是现代国家构建中不可回避的问题.本文运用政党吸蚋和嵌入、行政性自治和盖异性公民权三个概念分析和探讨了中国现代国家构建中的族际政治整合逻辑.中回共产党通过政党组织整合、民族区域自治的制度安排以及少数民族优惠政策,基本实现了中国现代国家构建中的族际政治整合,其中基于"吸纳"和"嵌入"的政党组织整合是中国现代国家建构中族际政治整合的关键所在.随着制度环境的变迁,中国的族际政治整合也面临着挑战,实现族际政治整合机制的有序更新和适应性是必然的选择,而如何在政治整合的基础上加强文化整合是中国现代国家构建中族际整合的应然方向.     

Abstruse and Insecure? Irish Immigrant Identity in Modern Scotland

This paper will look at the religious and political identities that for many people have come to characterize Scottish football. Such a characterization is particularly evident in the case of the two major clubs in Scotland; the 'Old Firm ' of Glasgow Rangers and Celtic. Nonetheless, Scotland is not unique in its sport acquiring an extrasporting dimension and football in particular often has broader political resonance. As Hoberman opines (in Sugden and Bairner, 1993, p. 10), sport has no intrinsic value structure, but it is a ready and flexible vehicle through which ideological associations can be reinforced. Put another way, sport can becom e an important pointer to features of the wider society. It can reflect both the positive and negative features of a society as well as feed aspects of those features. For many people, sport, particularly football, has acquired the capacity to become both a source for, and a reflection of, important social, political and cultural identities. This article argues that such identities are intrinsic to Scottish football. Football is also sym ptomatic of the ongoing conflicts of identity that have become important to Scottish life, especially since the influx of Catholic im migrants from Ireland began in the middle of the nineteenth century.     

民族主义与联邦主义

作为一种社会政治思想的民族主义论述的是民族与国家应当一体的理由,而作为一种社会政治运动的民族主义却难以实现民族与国家的一体。由此,民族主义理论与实践的矛盾,困扰了人类社会数百年,并引起各种民族冲突。本文作者从分析文化民族、政治民族与法律民族的关系入手,试图为民族主义建立一种框架,并认为基于政治民族和法律民族的国家民族主义终将取代基于文化民族之分的联邦主义。