灾难中的"国族"与"族群"

通过5·12汶川大地震救援进程的推进案例,分析了国族与族群在具体情境下的转换规则,并探求其中的文化蕴含.     

灾难与异象:对科学主义的反思

以5·12汶川大地震为契机,反思了科学主义的不足,梳理了相关地震的民间知识与民间智慧,分析了遗落这些知识与智慧的原因,并预见了潜在的文化灾难.     

慈善工作与和谐社会建设

中华民族一向具有博爱大同的美好理想,早在先秦时期,就提出过"人不独亲其亲,不独子其子;使老有所终,壮有所用,幼有所长,矜寡孤独废疾者皆有所养"(<礼记·礼运篇>),几千年来,一直保持和发扬仁爱互助、乐善好施的传统,每逢灾害发生,都会有民众行动起来,进行慈善活动,捐钱捐物,施约施粥,收养贫穷遗孤,买棺安葬死难者.     

作为道德范畴的慈善与慈善事业

一 慈善作为一种古老而弥新的一项社会活动历经发展,成为现代社会保障体系的重要组成部分,越来越受到人们的关注,成为管理学、心理学、社会学等众多学科的重要研究内容.但从本质上讲,慈善属于道德的范畴,是一种道德活动,是人们对处于危困伤残状态而无力自救的人发自内心的一种关爱和援助,表达了人类最基本的道德情怀.作为道德范畴的慈善具有自身的特征.     

社会保障和慈善救助

社会保障和慈善救助是减轻人类灾难,促进社会福利,改善生活质量的两种基本途径,也是基于人类相互援助的伦理关系基础上的两种规范形态,二者互动互补,共同推动社会福利的增进和人类幸福的实现.     

慈善是一种公共责任

一 慈善是指个人和社会群体自愿地对社会或者受益人进行无偿救助的行为.自人类社会进入文明时代以来,这一道德现象就已经存在.然而,在不同的社会历史时期甚至不同的民族国家里,慈善的性质、内容、范围、动机、目标等等是有所不同的,人们对慈善的理解也存在着某种差别.显然,当代社会的人们不再将慈善视为"恻隐之心"的自然表露,不再认为是"善有善报"的宗教心理所使然,不再被理解为对贫穷者的临时的、偶尔的、直接的、消极的施舍,而将其理解为个人或者社会群体的公共责任.     

民族地区媒介素养与媒介生态关系初探

我国民族地区人们媒介素养与这些地区的媒介生态存在内在关联,二者对民族地区的综合发展具有特别意义。要实现二者自身的和谐发展,还需要从加大媒介素养教育等途径积极入手。     

全球软环境治理与媒介霸权主义——从"伊斯兰恐怖论"和"中国威胁论"谈起

西方国家尤其是美国在强大的国家硬实力的支撑下拥有强势传媒,以引导全球主导性议题、设置特定的传播框架以及营制有利的舆论环境等方式掌控了国际传媒的话语霸权.其中,阿拉伯-伊斯兰、中国等议题一直是美国为首的西方国家主流媒体传播的"重中之重",由此引发了因国际传媒冷战格局所致的西方媒介霸权主义这一全球性问题,并对当今国际关系构成巨大挑战,影响并制约了全球软环境治理.     

媒介融合视域下四川涉藏地区领导干部媒介素养考察与提升

在媒介融合时代提升四川涉藏地区领导干部媒介素养,对于改善区域社会治理、防范社会风险、维护民族团结和推进乡村振兴战略具有重要价值。本文通过网络问卷调查和深度访谈对四川涉藏地区211名厅局级、县处级和乡科级领导干部开展媒介素养现状调查;认为参与调查者已具备较好的公共素养和一定的专业素养,但缺乏对媒体的系统性认识和媒体执政经验,并且自我提升意识不强、新媒体实际应用能力有限。为切实提升四川涉藏地区领导干部媒介素养,提出三点建议：一是省州县政府持续重视,面向基层培训,整体性提升干部媒介素养;二是党校/高校协同培训,用马克思主义新闻观引领干部媒介素养培训,以“知识模块”“能力模块”和“素质模块”重构培训内容体系,创新教学方法;三是领导干部个人内外兼修,树立正确的媒介执政理念,加强新闻传播理论与实操技能学习,积极运用媒介开展社会治理创新。     

"9·11"事件后欧洲一体化进程中的穆斯林问题

穆斯林问题是当前欧盟内部面临的一个重大社会问题,它的产生是欧洲历史与现实共同作用的结果。“9.11”事件后,欧洲的穆斯林问题日益凸现,已直接影响到欧洲一体化进程的速度和走向。     

香料与世界

Around 1500 , the world experi￣enced an explosion of exploration which greatly transformed the world for the next several hundreds of years. During this time, Christopher Columbus, Vasco da Gama, and other seafaring entrepreneurs sought new routes to India’s Malabar Coast and the Indonesian archipelago. The objective of their ef￣forts was mainly spice specifically pepper, cinna￣mon, nutmeg, clove, and a few others. In the en￣suing years, the Spanish, Portuguese, English, and Dutch would all seek to dominate the spice trade, employing an astonishing amount of blood￣shed and brutality to achieve their aims. They were undermined only by pirates, who would occasional￣ly plunder the spice boats, relieving them of their precious cargo.
The reason behind their desire to seek spice, was not only, and in fact, not even primarily, profits. In an age that poured its commercial ener￣gies into such un - poetical ends such as arms, oil, and mineral ores, the drive to obtain anything quite so quaintly insignificant as spice must strike us today as mystifying indeed. While historians of￣ten point to medieval Europe’s problems with ran￣cid meat, along with the mind -numbing repeti￣tiveness of its diet, as the source of spice’s early popularity, the main reason for desiring spice came down to one simple thing: mystery. Spices were, in a sense, magical if not divine, arriving by un￣known means from the vast blank spaces on the map, spaces populated by dragons, gods, and monsters. From mystery grew mystique. It was a seductive premise.
This article starts by examining the rise of Europe’s economy after the first millennium and the subsequent demand for Eastern luxuries. Ginger, mace, and other exotic ingredients quickly became status symbols among noblemen—not unlike furs or jewels—as well as staples in upper -class kitch￣ens, with nearly every dish deluged by seasonings, to the point where the medieval appetite for spice looked less like a taste than an addiction. It was also believed that ingesting spices was a way to im￣prove one’s health and that they could cure every￣thing from gangrene and paralysis to constipation and lung disease. Then there’s sex. Spice has long been associated with eroticism, including recent examples like the pop-music sex kittens the Spice Girls and the Spice soft-porn cable TV station. In the Middle Ages—when noblemen’s fear of infertil￣ity ran rampant—spices were widely believed to serve as aphrodisiacs. It was these very qualities, that led many medieval Christian leaders to de￣nounce spices—ginger in particular—arguing that their corrupting influence undermined monks’ vows of celibacy, with one mystic even comparing them to the forbidden apple of Eden. Others claimed their overuse could lead to drying out, derange￣ment, and even death. The most puritanical critics saw spice as nothing less than an affront to God, who had already met man’s basic needs by provi￣ding local foods, a gift cooks were now tampering with by introducing foreign flavors. Moreover, spice served as a medieval perfume, with the most spicy, most expensive varieties favored among the social elite. And spice was also used in mummifi￣cation and embalming techniques that continued in future centuries. For instance, the practice dates back to Ramses II, an Egyptian pharaoh who died in 1224 b. c.; an examination of his remains re￣vealed peppercorns stuffed up his large, and crooked nose, a discovery which startled scien￣tists.
Despite efforts by the Dutch to maintain their monopoly over spice plantations and prevent propa￣gation, products like cloves and nutmeg eventually spread to other regions of the world. This was largely due to Spanish and Portuguese smugglers—who reduced them to mere commodities and dimin￣ished their intrigue and notoriety, not to mention their cost. By the mid-1600s, pepper in particu￣lar had long since become available to the Europe￣an masses, prompting the nobility to lose interest. At the same time, crops like tomatoes and chilies, brought back from the New World, were broade￣ning the European diet and creating new options for cooks. A shift to simple, fresh, local ingredi￣ents—to foods that tasted like themselves—was un￣derway, a transformation nowhere as successful as in Italy, where simplicity remains the quintessence of its cuisine. As a result, the heavily spiced meals of the Middle Ages fell from favor. Once the province of aristocracy, spice became just the op￣posite. In the modern world, it tends to be the poor, not the rich, who eat spices.
While the history of spice from a Western point of view remarkably transformed the world, it should be noted that spice also underwent a quite different way of becoming modernized. In the re￣spect, spice in Chinese history constitutes a large part of the world history of spice.
Prior to the 15th century, pepper was regar￣ded as a rarity. In China it was as highly valued for medicinal purposes as ginseng and cassia bark are today. During the Tang dynasty, we find pep￣per mentioned side by side with stalactites, one of the most valuable drugs of the time. This is an in￣dication of how highly valued spice was. From that time onwards, the expression “800 piculs of pep￣per” came to be synonymous with riches and luxu￣ry. In China, the change in the value of pepper from being a precious commodity to one in common use came about as the result of several polices of Ming Emperor, including tribute trade, Zheng He’s voyages, and the scheme of supplying pepper instead of salaries to officials. The advent of direct dealings with the supply sources had a profound effect in China, and the circulation of other foreign commodities generally also increased greatly after these voyages.
From early Ming times, foreign trade, inclu￣ding that in pepper and sapanwood, was an Impe￣rial monopoly, closely guarded to ensure that all the profits went to the Emperor. One inevitable re￣sult of the importation into China of such huge a￣mounts of pepper, however, was that hitherto un￣developed exchange relations improved, though the equilibrium between demand and supply remained unsteady because of obstacles in the way of equita￣ble distribution. A sudden expansion of the selling market could only be expected to cause a dramatic fall in the price of pepper. This occurred much earlier than did the discovery of the direct passage to India by Vasco de Gama.
During the reign of the first Ming Emperor, Hong Wu, pepper and sapanwood were frequently given to subjects as a reward for services rendered, a practice first recorded in 1379 . During 1391 and 1392 , altogether 13 ,800 naval officers and soldiers on active service, and 12,000 soldiers engaged in ship-building were rewarded in this way, the lat￣ter receiving one catty of pepper each. In both ca￣ses these rewards, which were small in scale, were for completing tasks assigned. At the time of the enthronement of the second Emperor, Yong Le (1403), four catties of pepper, the highest pepper reward recorded, in addition to 30 ting of paper money, were given to a minor official for comple￣ting the Imperial seal. Considering the high value of paper money at that time, this showed that pep￣per was still treasured as a scarce commodity, and had not yet fallen into common use.
The effect of Zheng He’s voyages on the distri￣bution of pepper in the Chinese market is reflected by the form payments took in the early part of the Ming dynasty. In the 5th year of Yong Le (1407), following Zheng He’s return from his first voyage, came the first proclamation of an arrangement to supply the soldiers in all military stations in Peking with sapanwood in lieu of winter clothing. It is es￣timated that at least 250 , 000 army servicemen were involved. It was in 1420, after Zheng He’s fifth voyage, that pepper was first announced as a substitute for the clothing due to these same ser￣vicemen. However, the amount was by no means large:one catty and six ounces of sapanwood and four ounces of pepper were paid in lieu of a piece of thin silk material, and one catty of sapanwood and three ounces of pepper were paid instead of a piece of cotton cloth. The same scheme of suppl￣ying sapanwood instead of winter clothing was em￣ployed again the following year, 1421. At the same time it was proclaimed that part of the salary of all civil and military officials in Peking paid in the form of paper money was to be paid in sapan￣wood and pepper instead. Henceforth it was estab￣lished that the salary of officials should be paid partly in sapanwood and pepper, and it was clearly the pepper brought back by Zheng He’s fleet that was being used as substitute currency. Silver, pa￣per money, cloth, sapanwood, and pepper were interchangeable as currency.
Except for a very small amount retained for their own consumption, the officials would have had to sell most of their pepper on the market, which would inevitably accelerate the fall in its market price. By the mid-Ming period, spice that had been exclusively enjoyed by the upper classes, began to be popular among the commoners. The frequency of appearance of spice in dietary books, recipes, and daily life guides increased to an un￣precedented level. Pepper, especially, was broad￣ly used for cooking, pickling fruits, brewing, and making fragrant tea. The widespread application of perfume, as a typical merchandise from maritime trade, led to a profound transformation in people’s conception and style of everyday life.     

Humour in the Ancient World

Since the ending of the Second World War and the establishment of the United Nations, the international concept of racism, first initialised in the 1930s, has been inscribed in an unacknowledged conceptual double bind. Western political culture has inherited a hegemonic concept of racism that foregrounds those meanings associated with the anti‐fascist critiques of the Jewish Holocaust, while foreclosing subaltern anti‐colonial critiques centred on Western Imperialism. This can be taken to suggest a divergence within a western tradition of critical thought that in one of its guises occurs between the view that ‘‘race’ thinking’ resembles ideological exceptionality and the contrary view that ‘race relations’ approximates colonial conventions. The present essay explores the extent to which these views are constituted conceptually and dialogically in opposition and divergence. This is defined as racism's conceptual double bind. In other words, the international concept of racism is doubly bound into revealing its imprints in nationalism and concealing its anchorage in liberalism; or recognising extremist ideology while denying routine governmentality. The essay, therefore, asks the following: is it im/plausible to deny that there is an inescapable conceptual double bind between these differing conceptualisations of racism that has been ignored by the dominant social science traditions in the West? The idea of a double bind in the concept of racism, reiterated throughout this essay, is not to be confused with the proposition that there are two concepts of racism. On the contrary, during the twentieth‐century conceptualisation of racism, there have rather been two distinct orientations, the hegemonic Eurocentric and the subaltern De/colonial, based on conflicting yet dialogical paradigmatic experiences of the referent of racism.     

论纸质媒介的无终结

从传播倒三角形理论模式进行分析,指出原创内容是一切传播的基础,传统纸质媒介与原创内容和思维的联系紧密,纸质媒介比数字媒介更处于基础的地位,所以,纸质媒介和纸质出版必然不会消失,并且新的出版必是对传统纸质出版的扬弃,是旧有出版的核心技术与数字技术结合的新生儿:它将是多样统一的完全形态的出版形态.     

宋代西藏的地震灾害及其应对措施

西藏位于亚欧板块和印度洋板块之间,受两大板块运动的影响,自古以来就是一个地震多发的地区之一.由于受史料的限制,学术界对早期西藏地震灾害的研究相当薄弱,尤其对宋代西藏地震灾害及其应对的研究,则几乎为空白.该文利用现存的藏文史料,以科学社会学的角度,对宋代西藏地震的时间、位置、强度、次数、构造体系等,进行了梳理与分析;对地震造成的灾害及其西藏地方政府和寺院对震灾的应对措施,进行了探讨.     

中国岩画与世界遗产法律保护

从世界遗产保护高度把握岩画价值内涵,分析国外岩画世界遗产保护的成功经验,主张将阴山岩画、贺兰山岩画和花山崖刻画作为一个整体以"中国岩画"的名义申报世界遗产,对世界遗产进行扩展保护.     

全球网络时代的大众传媒与民族认同

大众传媒在促进民族认同的同时,也为一些极端民族主义思想传播提供了途径,对国家统一和民族团结造成了不利影响.网络时代,信息的传播更加快捷,大众传媒对民族认同的影响日益深刻.因此,亟需采取措施,充分发挥大众传媒在民族认同中的积极作用,促进民族认同与国家认同的统一,促进各民族共同繁荣和发展.     

网络媒介新闻管理存在的问题及对策

经过十多年的不断摸索,中国已在网络媒介新闻管理方面取得了一些成绩.但是,网络媒介新闻管理的法规不够完善,对网络新闻的宏观调控力度不够,对网络媒介新闻的监督管理乏力仍是当前存在的主要问题.要解决这些问题,有必要不断完善网络媒介新闻管理的法律法规,做到宏观管理与微观管理相结合,建立有效的网络媒介的新闻信用,切实加强网络媒介新闻队伍建设,从而促进中国网络新闻事业健康、规范地发展.     

论当代世界民族问题热点对世界和平的影响

本文主要分析了当代世界民族问题产生的历史、国际、政策、政治、经济、宗教等六大根源,论述了当代世界民族问题主要有全球性、地区性和一国内的三种存在形式,并认为当代世界民族问题主要表现为民族分离的倾向和暴力冲突的局面。文章还深入探讨了世界民族问题的发展趋势,重点剖析了当代世界民族问题对世界和平的影响。     

论世界遗产的合理利用与依法保护

中国是拥有世界遗产类别最齐全的国家之一,保护好中国的文化遗产具有重要的现实意义和国际意义。保护文化遗产要把继承与创新统一起来,把合理利用与继承发展统一起来,把法律手段与科技手段结合起来,要坚持遗产资源开发利用的时代性标准和民族性标准。我们肩负着保护世界文化遗产和自然遗产的崇高义务和神圣责任,文化遗产资源开发利用要法制化和规范化。