‘Trapped between two worlds’ – Muslim Palestinian women from Israel in Jordanian universities: new identity and the price it demands

Interviews were held with 12 Muslim Palestinian women from Israel, presently studying in Jordan (6) or who had completed their higher education in Jordan (6). They explained the factors that pushed or pulled them to study in Jordan, the independence that they experienced there, the empowerment they achieved, and the price they paid when they returned to Arab society in Israel. The Arab cultural space in Jordan is defined as both foreign and close, due to its geographical and cultural proximity, and yet its distance from home and patriarchal supervision. The research findings indicate that this situation influences the formation of these women's gender identity and their empowerment but also creates much pain and conflict. The Palestinian women's new identity, formed during their studies, assists them in their efforts to reintegrate and establish their status when they return from their academic studies abroad to their society of origin, Muslim Arab society in Israel.     

The dynamics of negation: identity formation among Palestinian Arab college students inside the green line

How does granting certificates of ‘business clean of Arab workers’ to owners of shops, stores, and Jewish businesses who prove they are not employing Arab workers shape identity? Identity development involves making sense of, and coming to terms with, the social world one inhabits, recognizing choices and making decisions within contexts, and finding a sense of unity within one's self while claiming a place in the world. Since there is no objective, ahistoric, universal trans-cultural identity, views of identity must be historically and culturally situated. This paper explores identity issues among members of the Palestinian Arab minority in Israel. While there is a body of literature exploring this subject, we will offer a different perspective by contextualizing the political and economic contexts that form an essential foundation for understanding identity formation among this minority group. We argue that, as a genre of settler colonialism, ‘pure settlement colonies’ involve the conquering not only of land, but of labor as well, excluding the natives from the economy. Such an exclusion from the economy is significant for its cultural, social, and ideological consequences, and therefore is especially significant in identity formation discussed in the paper. We briefly review existing approaches to the study of identity among Palestinian Arabs in Israel, and illustrate our theoretical contextual framework. Finally, we present and discuss findings from a new study of identity among Palestinian Arab college students in Israel through the lens of this framework.     

希伯伦H2区巴勒斯坦人状况之考察

巴勒斯坦西部城市希伯伦是犹太教和伊斯兰教共奉的圣地,也是近百年来犹太人和巴勒斯坦人冲突和争抢的重地。1991年中东和平进程开启后,历经数轮谈判,以色列和巴勒斯坦民族权力机构最终在1997年签署了《希伯伦协议》,据此希伯伦城被割裂为巴方控制的H1区和以方控制的H2区。作为唯一城区内存在犹太定居点的希伯伦H2区则成了巴以冲突的缩影。H2区的巴勒斯坦人不得不忍受来自犹太定居者、以色列警察和军队的多重压力,特别是在第二次巴勒斯坦大起义期间,H2区的巴勒斯坦人受到了更为猛烈的攻击。在巴以全面和解还遥遥无期的情况下,以色列如何以积极的姿态去改善希伯伦H2区巴勒斯坦人的生存状况,以改善其国家形象,引人深思。     

Crime,politics and police in the Palestinian's society in Israel

This paper offers an analysis of crime in the Palestinian society in Israel from the perspective of political relationships. It illustrates that the state of Israel is trying to define and identify crime through ideologies and narrow interests. This process is part of a mechanism of control, which intends to criminalize the daily life of the Palestinians. Discriminatory behavior against Arabs by police is more apparent and the records on crime are sometimes inaccessible, with a mania for secrecy, and view the whole Arab community as a security danger. The Israeli social control policy politicizes this community, with excess control in some areas and a lack of control in others. The paper concludes that no detailed arguments are needed in order to see the ineffectiveness of the Israeli control policy as long as the basic root of the political struggle is not answered.     

‘Both an Arab and a woman’: gendered,racialised experiences of female Palestinian citizens of Israel

Following feminist and postcolonial discourses, this paper uses the concept of ‘everyday experience’ as a tool to trace the social world of educated Palestinian women in Israel. The term refers to the complex array of these women's experiences in racialised and gendered social sites, as well as within the class, religious, and ethnic contexts in the subordinated group and its relations with the dominant Jewish group. Based on 108 in‐depth interviews with Palestinian women citizens of Israel, the paper claims that educated Palestinian women are located in a ‘third place’ between cultural, gender, class, national and racial structures that generates a continual ambivalence. Within this marginal, ‘unhomely’ space women negotiate their own identities and challenge dominant social definitions. Women create various modes of interim spaces and multi‐dimensional, shifting identities for themselves. The ambivalent attitudes generated by the women's experiences expose the possibility of shedding categorising markers. The omnipresent existence of the gendered, racialised regime of knowledge makes every place a potential site of subversion and resistance.     

Islamic Jurisprudence of Minorities (Fiqh al-Aqalliyyat): The Case of the Palestinian Muslim Minority in Israel

This article examines the doctrine of Jurisprudence of Muslim Minorities (Fiqh al-Aqalliyyat) in the context of the Palestinian Muslim community in Israel. The first part discusses the origins and goals of Fiqh al-Aqalliyyat. After outlining the particular historical and political context of the Palestinian minority in Israel, the article focuses on the ethno-religious political mobilization developed by the Muslim community vis-à-vis the state’s strategies of control and domination, and points out the difficulties involved in the application of Fiqh al-Aqalliyyat, as used in “Western” states, for the reality that Muslims face in Israel. The article suggests a vigilant approach toward the Jurisprudence of Minorities, as we argue that, when applying it in this context of the Muslim community in Israel, this doctrine has two substantial limitations. The first is theoretical and it concerns the doctrine’s current incapability to distinguish between different types of minorities, as well as failing to recognize a difference between various political regimes and societal lives that might be inherently less or more accommodating or even hostile to minorities, and Muslim minority communities in particular. The second limitation relates to the political dimension and the lack of consideration for the status of the Palestinian minority as an indigenous and national minority and not an immigrant minority. Their status as national minorities, at times also as indigenous peoples, who are perceived as entitled to group-based “self-government rights”, poses a serious challenge to this doctrine’s scope and viability.     

Palestinians and the Arab Uprisings: political activism and narratives of home,homeland, and home-camp

This article examines the ways in which Palestinians have been affected by the Arab Uprisings and their aftermath, especially in light of their statelessness and protracted refugeedom. It does so by analysing the narratives of 49 Palestinians who were based in France, Sweden, and the UK at the time of interview between 2012 and 2014. We show that the forms of mobilisation and/or identifications that Palestinians in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) and beyond engaged in with regard to the Arab Uprisings, transcended the link between the host state and the homeland. They extended to a plurality of in-between spaces such as Palestinian refugee camps, Arab host states, and Arab countries experiencing the uprisings. We argue that these in-between spaces became salient to broader conceptions of Palestinian identity and activism because Palestinian-ness is shaped not only through attachment to place, but also through particular experiences that are associated with Palestinian identity.     

在山沟村民与神灵共娱的艺术世界里思考(一)——甘肃环县道情皮影表演仪式及其剧目举隅

国家级扶贫的一个革命老区县,其首批国家级"非遗"代表作"道情皮影"红火不衰,足显其"文化遗产"的不菲.物质极度贫困,又何以保存、传承了传统民间文化的丰富?本文据近年数次田野工作,对所观察到的这一"事象"的生态与文化植被、生存与生活态度、神灵与人的谋略和智慧等,思考、描述,期以引发今天的我们对民俗学与人类学某些问题的联想,以挖掘一种深远意义的表述.     

Navigating Israeli citizenship: how do Arab-Palestinian teachers civicize their pupils?

This study examines citizenship education in Israel from the point of view of Arab teachers, as they rework and negotiate the content and boundaries of their Israeli citizenship. Specifically, the paper studies how teachers of citizenship education in Arab high schools in Israel perceive their sociopolitical reality, how they respond to it in their classrooms, and how they conceptualize Israeli citizenship for their pupils. In doing so, the paper ponders the pedagogical strategies and emphases of these teachers, as they mediate the citizenship education curriculum, with its heavy emphasis on the ethno-national character of Israel, to their Arab pupils.     

壮族历史文化遗产保护与开发的困境与出路探微——以广西靖西县为例

壮族历史文化遗产是壮族人民在特定区域和历史环境中辛勤劳作、共同创造并传承的具有壮族特色的物质和精神文化遗产的总称。随着社会结构和经济发展模式的转型,部分主体缺乏对壮族历史文化遗产内在价值的深刻认识,过度追求经济价值,致使壮族历史文化遗产的保护与开发的关系存在失衡。因此,如何在开发壮族历史文化遗产的经济价值的同时,致力于其文化价值的保护,使其具有独立的文化属性而不是经济的附庸,并进一步探究壮族优秀历史文化的传承与发扬的途径,是当前对壮族历史文化遗产的保护与开发的关键。     

韩国非物质文化遗产保护制度对我国的启示——以端午祭申遗成功为视点

韩国端午祭申报世界非物质文化遗产的成功,在中国引起很大反响。中国端午节和韩国端午祭之争的本质,是对传统文化保护与发扬。学术界以前的研究成果,主要集中在文化本身,但是对于两国遗产保护制度较为忽略。再加上第一手韩文文献难以取得,更增加了这一问题的研究难度。本文结合韩文文献,探寻其文化渊源,比较其文化差异,同时对非物质遗产保护制度进行深入分析,提醒我们:在经济发展下的社会转型期,必须重视传统文化的保护,否则在全球化时代,我们的文化身份和文化之根将会丧失。     

Racism,militarisation and policing: police reactions to violence against Palestinian women in Israel

This article moves beyond the discussion of police racism to a broader account of the militaristic racism of policing in Israel. The highly permeable boundaries between the military, society and the political conflict all affect how violence against women is policed. Focusing on case studies of police officers' perceptions of abused Palestinian Israeli women — members of an ethnic and indigenous minority — this paper considers key features of the policing of violence against women in a militaristic context and during a continuous political conflict. Police officers' philosophies and actions in law enforcement concerning violence against women are critically scrutinised. The findings indicate that while some aspects of cultural difference between the indigenous ethnic group and the majority are relevant to policing, focusing predominantly on the ‘cultural characteristics’ or ‘ethnic traditions or rituals’ of the policed population and denying the effect of the political conflict between Israel and the Palestinians as a factor in the militarisation of policing can reinforce rather than ameliorate ethnic prejudice, racism and discrimination.     

“非遗”后的传统手工技艺传承——以水族马尾绣为例

非物质文化遗产保护的推进,深刻影响了我国众多手工技艺的传承和发展。在参与其中的各利益相关方中,地方政府的角色和作用尤为显著。以三都水族马尾绣为例,在其成为国家级非物质文化遗产项目后,在当地政府组织领导下建立了保障机构,施行了相关政策,并举办马尾绣培训班,提升优秀艺人的地位和影响,扩大马尾绣的社会认知度和需求,显示了地方政府的重要推动作用。＂非遗＂为传统手工技艺的传承创造出新的情境,技艺传承渠道、制品内容、形式功能等都发生着变化。这一方面拓展了技艺的生存空间,同时也使得马尾绣所蕴含的历史价值和文化价值被削弱。但我们不应该夸大这种削弱的消极意义,而应该将其视为一种积极的传承状态。     

门巴族非物质文化遗产及其保护

门巴族非物质文化遗产的理论研究非常必要,能够给保护工作提供理论支持和行动指导.文章对门巴族非物质文化遗产的内容进行了梳理,总结了保护的成就和面临的主要问题,并提出了相应的保护对策:各级地方政府要进行合理引导,发挥西藏高等院校的优势,尊重门巴族传统文化,突出地方特色,保护其赖以生存的生态环境,努力培养门巴族非物质文化遗产传承人.     

Palestine as ‘a state of mind’: second-generation Polish and British Palestinians’ search for home and belonging

This article reflects on the ways in which children of Palestinian exiles born in Poland and the UK relate to their ancestral homeland and how they make sense of their Palestinian inheritance in the present. It argues that while the second generation of Palestinian diasporic subjects maintain links with their parents’ homeland these connections are not limited to the intergenerational transmission of cultural identity. The article explores how Palestine ‘becomes’ important for second-generation Palestinians. It argues that it is the re-occurring waves of violence inflicted on Palestinians that activate and shape their engagement with Palestine. Rather than a sense of attachment based exclusively on a personal connection with ancestral ‘roots’, the article argues that the second generation also develop a sense of long-distance post-nationalism that transforms their connection with Palestine into a more universal endeavour for justice and against the dispossession. These arguments are based on the findings of a two-year multi-sited ethnography which involved oral history interviews with 35 Palestinians of different generations, carried out in Poland and in the UK, including 15 interviews with second-generation Palestinians, as well as site-specific field visits in Israel and Palestine and follow-up ‘return’ interviews.     

博物馆与非物质文化遗产的互动

非物质文化遗产十分重要,与博物馆关系密切,双方是一个互动的过程。博物馆具有从事非物质文化遗产的多种优势,应很好地利用博物馆的优势为保存文化多样性做贡献。     

Predicting the Vote in Kinship-Based Municipal Elections: The Case of Arab Cities in Israel

This paper examines the feasibility of using pre-election polls in kinship-based municipal elections in Israel, and the methods needed to increase the accuracy of predicting the results. The research focuses on the Arab society in Israel, which is an ethnic minority within a nation-state and a traditional society and that its municipal elections are characterized as kinship-based elections. The results of municipal elections in four Arab cities and towns show that pre-election polls succeeded in predicting the elections’ outcome with high accuracy. This research suggests the use of “Clan Sampling” in which the sampling is according to the sub-tribal societal structure—and further suggests applying the “Cross-Section” treatment for the undecided. Separately applying one of the two treatments gave a high level of accuracy; the accuracy further increased when applying the two methods together. By adjusting the methods used, pre-election polls were found to be accurate in predicting the vote in elections within a traditional Arab society.     

汉文译著：回儒对话历史与现实的文本资源

文明对话的基础是对其他文明的平等、宽容、广泛的理解和研究态度。但从近现代以来,中国知识分子为了探讨挽救民族危亡的历史困局,“师夷长技以制夷“,民族救亡和社会革命的任务是头等大事,因此,大家的眼睛始终盯着希腊-罗马传统的欧美文明,急于理解和研究他们。长此以往,也就自然而然地忽略了、甚至拒绝理解其他非西方文明。综观20世纪的中国学术文化史,我们发现除了个别大家鸿儒,中国一般的知识分子普遍存在着不懂伊斯兰文明、不懂印度文明,更不懂那些较小的文明。他们不屑于了解这些文明。他们对这些文明的傲慢态度不亚于某些西方人士。所以,作为泱泱文明大国,积极加入到世界文明对话的时代潮流中,对世界各个大系文明与亚文明展开深入广泛地研究和探讨,     

西方当代遗产理论综述

以历史研究为基础的,以“亚历山大范式”为模式的传统博物馆和档案馆的遗产形式,正面临着记忆研究方法的新挑战。“记忆研究”这种新的遗产研究方法旨在提出对传统遗产模式的反思,强调基于普通民众的集体记忆和个体记忆,重视对非强势群体的人道主义关怀,从而构建一种反强权的遗产学理论体系和世界观。英国伦敦大学学院（UCL）考古学院贝弗利·巴特勒博士的《遗产与当下的过去》一文,总结了文化遗产研究领域的主要指导理论和思想,从不同的研究角度回顾了从遗产学兴起以来的发展道路,并表达了相应的批判性意见。该文可为当下中国的文化遗产发展事业提供西方视角的理论解释和参考。     

Terror, Resource Gains and Exclusionist Political Attitudes among New Immigrants and Veteran Israelis

This study analyses the antecedents of exclusionist political attitudes towards Palestinian citizens of Israel among Israeli immigrants from the former Soviet Union in comparison to Old Jewish Israelis (OJI). A large-scale study of exclusionist political attitudes was conducted in the face of ongoing terrorism in Israel through telephone surveys carried out in September 2003 with 641 OJI and 131 immigrants. The main goal of the survey was to estimate the influence of perceived loss and gain of resources-as a consequence of terror-on attitudes towards Palestinian Israelis, while controlling for other relevant predictors of exclusionism-i.e. authoritarianism or threat perception. Findings obtained via interaction analyses and structural equation modelling show that a) immigrants display higher levels of exclusionist political attitudes towards Palestinian citizens of Israel than OJI; b) loss of resources, authoritarianism, and hawkish (rightist) worldviews predict exclusionist political attitudes among both immigrants and non-immigrants; c) failure to undergo post-traumatic growth (resource gain) in response to terrorism (e.g. finding meaning in life, becoming closer to others) is a significant predictor of exclusionist political attitudes only among immigrants.