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面向2035年远景发展目标,上海科技创新治理必须不断适应日新月异的全球科技创新发展趋势,不断适应国际科技创新中心的新任务,不断适应超大城市治理体系和治理能力现代化的新要求。这就要求上海必须围绕推进国际科技创新中心建设的战略目标和总体布局,遵循创新发展规律和科技治理规律,以完善党对科技工作领导的体制机制为统领,以强化政府宏观科技管理的主导作用为关键,以更好动员社会组织和公众参与为支撑,以优化科技创新资源配置为根本,以建立适应科技发展趋势的法制体系为基础,以开放合作参与全球创新治理为方向,构建党委领导、政府负责、社会协同、公众参与、法治保障、开放合作的科技创新治理体制,努力成为全球科技创新治理的标杆城市。 相似文献
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在新的发展趋势下,无论是跨国公司还是上海本土企业,仅依靠企业内部资源进行高成本的创新活动,已难以适应快速发展的市场需求以及日益激烈的企业竞争.同时,无论是产业整合、要素分配、技术研发等,跨国公司、上海本土企业都需要在开放式的机制下进行合作.因此,未来跨国公司与本土企业的创新合作必须是"开放式创新"机制,跨国公司与本土企业的创新合作将会呈现:基于互联网的开放式、虚拟化趋势,这种开放式、虚拟化的创新网络能够帮助企业获得一些只有合作才能获得的全球科技资源. 相似文献
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上海建设全球科技创新中心的战略路径 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
建设全球科技创新中心是一个系统工程,上海应从国家战略需求出发,紧盯全球科技创新中心目标,全盘考虑、抓紧谋划、扎实推进,力争到2040年基本建成具有雄厚竞争力、强大辐射力和广泛影响力的全球科技创新中心,成为全球创新资源配置中枢、国际创新知识生产源地、世界创新经济战略高地和国际科技创新竞合平台。 相似文献
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国际创新中心是指科技创新资源密集、科技创新实力雄厚、创新文化发达、创新氛围浓郁、科技辐射带动能力较强,具有良好科技发展潜力和人文自然环境、较强国际竞争力和影响力的城市或区域,是全球新知识、新技术和新产品的创新源地和产生中心之一。上海科技创新实力雄厚,稳居全国各地区前列,具备建设国际创新中心的先天优势。上海要实现创新驱动转型发展,必须在城市总体发展格局中进一步凸显科技创新功能,全面实施科教兴市战略、人才强市战略和文化强市战略,全力以赴抓好张江国家自主创新示范区建设,使科技创新功能成为城市功能的核心和关键,着力增强城市科技创新实力和国际综合竞争力,到2020年基本建设成为具有雄厚竞争力、强大辐射力和广泛影响力的国际创新中心城市,成为全球创新资源配置中枢、国际创新知识生产源地、世界创新经济战略高地和国际科技创新竞合平台。 相似文献
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加快建设全球科技创新中心是上海建设"四个中心"的应有之义,也是履行"科学发展先行者、改革开放排头兵"历史使命的必然要求。上海建设全球科技创新中心已有较好基础,但也面临严峻挑战和制约。上海可在完善规划、创新资源、成果转化、支撑体系、创新文化和合作网络等方面采取更有针对性的措施,进一步提升科技创新的核心竞争力和全球影响力。 相似文献
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中国经济发展进入新常态,依靠要素驱动和资源消耗支撑的发展方式难以为继,上海必须全面增强自主创新能力,努力打造代表国家参与全球经济科技合作与竞争的科技创新中心,在新一轮全球科技竞争中赢得战略主动.上海要依靠以科技创新为核心的全面创新,重构城市发展动力、激发全社会创新创造活力.完成这个愿景将涉及诸多成功因素,尤其在优化的产业格局、智慧的投资策略和有效的人才延揽等3个领域内的卓然进展,将对上海实现全球领先的创新城市这个使命至关重要. 相似文献
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上海市“十三五”规划基本思路研究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
综合考察国内外发展环境、国家战略要求和上海的发展阶段,上海“十三五”时期发展总体目标应是:到2020年,基本建成与我国经济实力和国际地位相适应、具有全球资源配置能力的国际经济、金融、贸易、航运中心和社会主义现代化国际大都市;建设具有全球影响力的科技创新中心取得重大进展;基本建成具有较强文化软实力的国际文化大都市;基本形成比较完善的市场化、国际化、法治化营商环境;全面建成具有较高水平的小康社会. 相似文献
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上海全球城市建设应以崇尚先进、海纳百川的海派文化为引领;以打造世界级资本、信息、能源、资源流动管理的交流协商平台为核心;以制度创新保障科技创新为手段;以包客创新风险为发展关键.上海全球城市建设的战略重点应是:营造多元文化氛围,提高人口国际化水平;推进产业的服务化、提升经济全球控制力;建立人才荟萃之都,促进科技创新;引入国际组织,增强国际影响力和话语权;重视海洋发展战略,促进区域一体化发展. 相似文献
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《城市公用事业》编辑委员会 《交通与港航》2002,16(1):1-1
<正> 《城市公用事业》创刊于1987年,系我国城市公用事业领域中唯一的一本综合性科技期刊。江泽民同志对我国公用事业的发展十分关心,曾为我刊题词:“发展公用事业 改善人民生活”。 相似文献
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Sally Tomlinson 《Children & Society》2003,17(3):195-204
This article documents some of New Labour's education policies which, despite a rhetoric of inclusion, have largely ensured that education remains divided and divisive. Continuing faith in market choice and competition; continuing selection by private, grammar and specialist schools; a ‘diversity’ of schools with unequal intakes and resources; a standards agenda that requires more testing, assessment and centralised control of teachers and the curriculum; and a retention of an academic‐vocational divide has sharpened divisions and insecurities rather than working for the common good. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
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《Home Cultures》2013,10(3):311-327
AbstractTraditionally, the Mexican domestic interior has been characterized by a propensity to accumulative decoration and solemnity in the public areas of the house. The present study of residents of a central area of Mexico City shows that this situation has changed as forms of urban lifestyles, environmental attitudes and house ownership have developed that affect the use and decoration of the house. Here, I will focus on those changes that affect the public rooms of the house (living room, dining room, kitchen) with the aim of describing new forms of domesticity in the lifestyles, consumption practices, leisure and home life that no longer respond to the model of the traditional bourgeois home, but to life patterns in which the symbolic experience of home suits a particular spatial and economic reality. 相似文献
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Nelson Paul 《Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations》2002,13(4):377-392
International advocacy strategies devised for the political environment in which World Bank policy is decided are often not suitable for advocacy on broader financial policy and trade issues. Advocacy in these new agendas challenges prevailing models, which depict NGOs as mobilizing powerful governments and international organizations to influence a government's behavior. The patterns of international NGO political activity are diverse, sometimes restraining the power of international rules and authorities over individual governments, and require a new or broader model 相似文献
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Brian D. Loader 《Sociology Compass》2008,2(6):1920-1933
This article explores the contention that social movements are a significant social force transforming societies through their engagement with new media, such as the Internet, Web 2.0, and digital communications, which are seen as capable of facilitating new power structures. Utilizing della Porta and Diani's framework, it considers how new media technologies may be shaping the structure, identity, opportunity, and protest dimensions of social movements. It concludes by suggesting that new media does offer important opportunities for cost‐effective networking, interpretive framing, mobilization, and repertoires of protest action. However, their adoption does not represent the creation of entirely new virtual social movements but rather a new means of providing existing social movement organisations, local activist networks, and street‐level protest with a trans‐national capacity to collaborate, share information, and communicate with a wider audience. Such new media‐enabled social action is both more congruent with a politics of identity but may also increasingly be competing within a media environment saturated by user‐generated content. 相似文献
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A discussion group composed of vocational psychologists, guidance professionals, and career development specialists from around the world identified and discussed new challenges in understanding work and providing relevant career services. Four major themes emerged: What revisions are necessary in the profession's theory and practice to address changes in the nature of work and be more inclusive? How is culture to be addressed? What will help in the advancement from social justice rhetoric to meaningful practice? How can research continue to advance the field? 相似文献