信息沟通技术与母职 一项关于香港菲佣的实证研究(英文)

随着全球化的发展和跨国移民的增多，跨国母亲已经成为家庭研究和性别研究的重要课题之一。香港的菲律宾家庭佣工，作为香港一个庞大的跨国母亲群体，近年来也引起了学术界广泛的关注。本文探讨香港的菲佣，作为跨国母亲，如何利用现代化的信息沟通技术（手机和因特网）重新建构她们的母职。本文基于笔者于2010年在香港进行的定性研究获得的资料，从两个层面探讨现代化信息沟通技术与母职建构之间的关系：（1）香港的菲佣如何利用手机和因特网所带来的便利沟通为他们远在菲律宾的孩子提供情感支持和帮助；（2）香港的菲佣如何利用现代化信息沟通技术教育并指导孩子的成长与发展。通过比较信息沟通技术在香港普及前后菲佣的母职建构方式，我们发现，频繁且便利的远程通讯使得跨国母亲们能够克服地理隔绝带来的不便，为她们的孩子建构一种母亲的‘虚拟在场’。通过这种‘虚拟在场’，跨国母亲们从情感和道德两个层面履行其母亲职责。在情感层面，菲佣们利用手机和因特网传达她们对孩子的关心和问候、为生病的孩子提供情感支持、并且为孩子们解决实际的问题；在道德和教育层面，菲佣们利用现代沟通技术指导孩子的功课、帮助他们养成良好的生活习惯，并对孩子们的一些不良行为进行教导和规训，不仅重新建构了她们的母职，而且为“母职”一词提供了新的诠释。     

Dark Guests and Great Firewalls: The Internet and Chinese Security Policy

Some believe that the Internet is immune to regulation and is contributing to the demise of the state. Others see the same technology as facilitating surveillance on behalf of states and corporations. To help explore this debate further, this article examines the case of the Internet in China. China—a nondemocratic, authoritarian state—is a "hard case" for those who argue that the Internet cannot be controlled. Even while pushing for the expansion of new information technologies, mostly for economic reasons, China has attempted to maintain strict controls over the Internet. After summarizing the debate outlined above, a review of China's Internet security policies is conducted, and the ways in which prodemocracy activists have attempted to circumvent these policies is examined.     

物业运作：从国家中分离出来的新公共空间——国家权力过度化与社会权利不足之间的张力

This investigation report mainly displays a new public space of property management with the characteristics of civil society, by analyzing a typical case--Qing Shui Yuan. The new public space has already separated from the state and is managed by both the state and the society together. Position-exceeding power of the state and deficient position-stimulated rights of the society result in the tension between the state and the society. Position-exceeding power is a pivotal perspective to interpret the relation between the state and the society.Instead of paying excessive attention to the institutional construction of civil rights, we should focus on how social rights stimulated by institutions and laws are turned into reality.     

Valuing Others’ Information under Imperfect Expectations

Sometimes we believe that others receive harmful information. However, Marschak’s value of information framework always assigns non-negative value under expected utility: it starts from the decision maker’s beliefs – and one can never anticipate information’s harmfulness for oneself. The impact of decision makers’ capabilities to process information and of their expectations remains hidden behind the individual and subjective perspective Marschak’s framework assumes. By introducing a second decision maker as a point of reference, this paper introduces a way for evaluating others’ information from a cross-individual, imperfect expectations perspective for agents maximising expected utility. We define the cross-value of information that can become negative – then the information is “harmful” from a cross-individual perspective – and we define (mutual) cost of limited information processing capabilities and imperfect expectations as an opportunity cost from this same point of reference. The simple relationship between these two expected utility-based concepts and Marschak’s framework is shown, and we discuss evaluating short-term reactions of stock market prices to new information as an important domain of valuing others’ information.      

A POST-MODERN PANOPTICON: THE ROYAL COMMISSION INTO ABORIGINAL DEATHS IN CUSTODY

In this paper I examine the Deaths in Custody Royal Commission from a Foucauldian perspective. I argue that the inquiry was an(other) act of state surveillance, and that many of the recommendations, if implemented, would further extend the scrutiny of Aboriginal lives. Additionally, I consider the way the ‘individualizing knowledge’ (Foucault 1979, p. 126) of the deceased was used to control the interpretation of their deaths.     

Abstracts

The concept of ‘tacit knowledge’ as the means by which individuals interpret the ‘rules’ of social interaction occupies a central role in all the major contemporary theories of action and social structure. The major reference point for social theorists is Wittgenstein's celebrated discussion of rule-following in the Philosophical Investigations. Focusing on Giddens' incorporation of tacit knowledge and rules into his ‘theory of structuration’, I argue that Wittgenstein's later work is steadfastly set against the ‘latent cognitivism’ inherent in the idea of tacit knowledge and tacit rules. I also argue that the idea of tacit knowledge and tacit rules is either incoherent or explanatorily vacuous. Scholars of the emotions maintain that all anger requires an object of blame. In order to be angry, many writers argue, one must believe than an actor has done serious damage to something that one values. Yet an individual may be angered without blaming another. This kind of emotion, called situational anger, does not entail a corresponding object of blame. Situational anger can be a useful force in public life, enabling citizens to draw attention to the seriousness of social or political problems, without necessarily vilifying political officials. In the first half of this paper I show how H. L. A. Hart's theory of rules can resolve, or at least clarify, a central methodological problem in legal anthropology that was first posed in Llewellyn and Egebel's The Cheyenñe Way In the second half I explore and develop Hart's theory (a) of rules, and apply it to problems of agency and behaviourism in legal anthropology, and (b) of legal development, and apply it to the problem of rule-scepticism in legal anthropology as it is posed in Roberts and Comaroffs Rules and Processes and elsewhere. As human beings, we share many historically developed, language-game interwoven, public forms of life. Due to the joint, dialogically responsive nature of all social life within such forms, we cannot as individuals just act as we please; our forms of life exert a normative influence on what we can say and do. They act as a backdrop against which all our claims to knowledge are judged as acceptable or not. As a result, it is not easy to articulate their inadequacies in a clear and forceful manner. However, within most of our forms of life, we have a first-person right to express how our individual circumstances seem to us. And by the use of special forms of poetic, gestural talk—talk that can originate new language-games—we can offer to make our own ‘inner lives’ public. In this paper, I want to claim that this is just what Wittgenstein is attempting to do in his later philosophy: by use of the self-same methods that anyone might use to express aspects of their own world picture, he is offering us his attempts to make the background ‘landscape’ of our lives more visible to us. These methods are explored below. Proponents of the view that social structures are ontologically distinct from the people in whose actions they are immanent have assumed that structures can stand in causal relations to individual practices. Were causality to be no more than Humean concomitance correlations between structure and practices would be unproblematic. But two prominent advocates of the ontological account of structures, Bhaskar and Giddens, have also espoused a powers theory of causality. According to that theory causation is brought about by the activity of particulars, in the social psychological case, individuals of some sort. Consistence would demand that structure be those individuals. But neither Giddens nor Bhaskar wish to reify structure to the extent that would fit it for a role as a powerful particular. If only human beings can be powerful particulars in these contexts, the only way that structures can be real must be as properties of conversational (symbolic) interactions. Human action is social just in so far as people direct themselves to engage well in joint activities with others.     

In This Issue

We open this issue of The Soviet Review with a roundtable on the introduction of the "rule of law" in the USSR. Students of Russian history will recognize this discussion as one having century-old precedents; in this case, the topic was posed in the Theses of the CPSU Central Committee mandating the goal of "complet[ing] the creation of a socialist law-governed state." As the participants freely acknowledge, it will require a "revolution of consciousness" for the idea to take hold that law is not a tool of the state, but rather, the state is subordinate to the law. Readers should pay particular attention to the discussants' views on the appropriate roles and relationships of state, party, and society, as well as their comments on rights and on the law.     

Perceived Usefulness and Easiness of Information and Communication Technologies and Volunteering among Older Adults

ABSTRACT

This study investigates the association between older adults’ perception of usefulness and easiness (PUE) of Information Communication and Technologies (ICTs) and volunteering, and if this association differs across their income status. Data were obtained from the 2012 wave of the Health and Retirement Study (HRS), and the sample was restricted to respondents aged between 60 and 84 (N = 901) and who completed the 2012 HRS technology module. Multinomial logistic regression was employed to examine the independent and joint influence of PUE of ICTs and of low-income status on volunteering. The results show that only people with high PUE engaged in more than 100 hours of volunteering among older adults after controlling for covariates. The positive effect of high PUE was found to be more significant in the low-income group. This is the first known research to investigate the PUE of ICTs and volunteering among older adults. This study expands the knowledge of volunteering among older adults by exploring ICTs which can be considered as one of the most influential macrosocial changes in the current society. Moreover, our findings provide some insights and an empirical foundation in volunteering programs for older adults of different PUE levels.     

Mobilising the welfare machine: Questioning the resurgent socialist concern in China’s Public Rental Housing Scheme

This study examined the resurgence of public housing provision in China since 2007 by situating it in a broad welfare regime analysis. Based on insights from Productivist Welfare Capitalism (Holliday, 2000. Productivist Welfare Capitalism, 706?723) and Graduated Sovereignty (Ong, 2006a. Neoliberalism as exception), we have sought to shed new light on the productivist approach through a study on Chinese cases. Using the examples of Chongqing and Nanjing, we argue in the study that the proactive action of the state to further commodify labour power has led to the flexible de‐articulation and re‐articulation of welfare and citizenship in an ongoing process of de‐territorialisation and re‐territorialisation of various segments of the population that own parcels of land. Another aspect of flexibility in the welfare regime is the double segmentation of population and territory, which is also contingent on, and subject to, alteration upon government decision.     

Social investments in the knowledge economy: The politics of inclusive,stratified, and targeted reforms across the globe

As countries transition from industrial to post-industrial knowledge economies, education and skills are crucial. Consequently, policy-makers around the globe have increasingly focused on social investment, that is, policies aiming to create, mobilize, or preserve skills. Yet, countries around the globe have developed social investments to different degrees and in highly different forms. Our goal is twofold: First, we introduce a new typology of social investment policies, distinguishing nine types along two dimensions: three distributive profiles (inclusive, stratified, targeted) and three functions (skill creation, preservation, mobilization). This differentiation allows fine-grained analyses of the causes and consequences of different kinds of social investments, thus offering a perspective to study the relationship between efficiency and inclusiveness in a way that goes beyond the mere discussion how social investment policies grosso modo affect inequalities (‘equalizing’ versus ‘Matthew Effects’). Second, we theorize on the politics of social investment. We argue that the interaction of policy legacies and socioeconomic factors is the main explanation for which functions of social investment policies are introduced, whereas their distributive profiles are crucially shaped by political coalitions. We illustrate with empirical material from democracies around the globe.     

Punitive benefit sanctions,welfare conditionality,and the social abuse of unemployed people in Britain: Transforming claimants into offenders?

A defining feature of U.K. welfare reform since 2010 has been the concerted move towards greater compulsion and sanctioning, which has been interpreted by some social policy scholars as punitive and cruel. In this article, we borrow concepts from criminology and sociology to develop new interpretations of welfare conditionality. Based on data from a major Economic and Social Research Council-funded qualitative longitudinal study (2014–2019), we document the suffering that unemployed claimants experienced because of harsh conditionality. We find that punitive welfare conditionality often caused symbolic and material suffering and sometimes had life-threatening effects. We argue that a wide range of suffering induced by welfare conditionality can be understood as ‘social abuse’, including the demoralisation of the futile job-search treadwheel and the self-administered surveillance of the Universal Jobmatch panopticon. We identify a range of active claimant responses to state perpetrated harm, including acquiescence, adaptation, resistance, and disengagement. We conclude that punitive post-2010 unemployment correction can be seen as a reinvention of failed historic forms of punishment for offenders.     

Risk and Public Protection: Responding to Involuntary and ‘Taboo’ Risk

Growing media, political and public concern with high‐risk offenders in the community has focused policy attention on the concept of ‘public protection’. A notion that the public has the right to be protected, particularly from ‘monstrous’ offenders such as predatory paedophiles, has infiltrated much recent legislation and penal policy. This article will explore the critical factors in the ‘public protection’ trend and the framing of risk and risky offenders that has ensued. In particular, attention will be given to the new surveillance and intervention mechanisms under the Multi‐Agency Public Protection Arrangements (MAPPA) and whether these arrangements manage risk or displace it. To what extent are they driven by the ‘precautionary principle’ and defensive responses to risks that are over‐inflated? To what extent does this result in ‘perverse incentives’ to over‐manage certain risks and to over‐concentrate on restrictive risk management techniques such as electronic tagging, satellite surveillance and curfews rather than treatment? Does the system represent effective risk management or a system for dealing with risk anxiety – both of the public(s) and of politicians?     

Adolescents in Crisis: on Hypothesizing with Minimal Information

Summary This paper suggests some of the questions that practitionersshould ask themselves when faced with an adolescent in crisis.It is important that professionals have available a number oflevels for conceptualizing behaviour if they are to make senseof complex information. Minimal information from a referralis given to demonstrate our approach. We consider some issuesconnected with change in systems; symptomatic behaviour in alife cycle context; agency contexts as they affect professionalhelp; and adolescent development in the context of marital breakdown.The practitioner is encouraged to develop hypotheses, whilehaving very few facts which in the light of further contactmay be developed, or discarded in favour of hypotheses morerelevant to the particular family. We warn against the equal,but different dangers of approaching each new family eitherwith a totally open mind, or with fixed ideas concerning whatit ‘must be about’. We do not argue that it is betterto have little or no previous history (although too much historycan become part of ‘the problem’), but that workersalways have more information, from the very start, than theymay realise.     

User Involvement in Services--Incorporation or Challenge?

Correspondence to Joan Forbes at The School of Social Work, The University of Leicester, 107 Princess Road East, Leicester, LE1 7LA Summary In recent years, users of social work, like those of psychiatry,have been increasingly drawn into the organization and deliveryof social work and mental health services. This has been largelywelcomed as a desirable development by planners, academics andpractitioners in the field. In this article, we reappraise thebroad issues raised by user involvement and consider the implicationsof this trend. Despite the attractiveness of the user perspectivein the policy and delivery of social work and psychiatric services,we point to the dangers of incorporation and moderation of anoppositional position, from which, we argue, users can bestchallenge existing practices and connect with wider politicalstruggles.     

Between Decentralized Planning and Neo-liberalism: Challenges for the Survival of the Indigenous People of Kerala, India

This paper examines the experiences of decentralization under successive political regimes in Kerala in the context of neo‐liberal policies, with reference to the impact on the lives of adivasi (indigenous) communities. The Communist Party‐led government had been implementing a home‐grown programme of decentralized planning since 1996 until it lost power to the Congress Party‐led conservative coalition in 2001. In the context of the accelerated structural adjustment and liberalization of the national government, the new government amended its predecessor's programme with a reduced role for the state bureaucratic and political actors in mobilizing people for planning and implementing projects at the local level. Based on a comparative analysis, the authors argue that the new programme has so far not been successful as regards enabling marginalized groups such as the indigenous communities to resist exclusion and move out of their states of deprivation. The study also shows that the withdrawal of the state from the social and economic sectors has adversely affected these groups.     

Penal and welfare conditionality: Discipline or degradation?

This paper aims to complement analyses of welfare conditionality by examining what can be learned from studies of conditional punishment in the criminal justice system. Drawing on a range of recent studies, I explore lived experiences of the conditionality attendant on penal forms of supervision; penal forms that have expanded rapidly in recent decades. I argue that, to paraphrase Stan Cohen, such supervision is as much about the dispersal of degradation as it is about the dispersal of discipline. Indeed, in contemporary western societies, both in punishment and in welfare systems, I suggest that conditionality functions less to discipline poor and marginalised people and more to disqualify them from the entitlements of ordinary citizenship. In so doing, conditionality constructs them as denizens, thus serving to limit the liabilities for the state that arise from social inequalities. Extending Delroy Fletcher and Sharon Wright's metaphor, the abusive slaps now meted out in concert by both hands of the penal state are as much about degrading and denying the entitlements of “needy” denizens as they are about influencing their conduct. But crucially, even within the increasingly restrictive context created by these developments, penal practitioners can and do provide care and assistance.     

Uncertainty in moral theory: An epistemic defense of rule-utilitarian liberties

The purpose of this essay is to defend utilitarianism from the popular objection that it makes moral theory depend improperly upon uncertain factual information and calculations which may produce violations of individual rights or liberties. This objection is a more subtle variant of the general Kantian complaint that utilitarianism makes morality improperly contingent upon empirical facts about historical, socioeconomic circumstances, the consequences of actions, institutions, etc., thereby allowing individual liberties to be sacrificed in order to maximize the collective welfare. Three main arguments connected with the uncertainty-objection are delineated in Rawls' work, and are seen to be fallacious. It is concluded that a suitably sophisticated form of rule-utilitarianism need not base liberty on any impermissible kind of uncertainty in moral theory. This analysis is contrary not only to what Rawlsians and other Kantians nowadays typically argue or assume in criticizing utilitarianism, but also to what some of the leading critics of Rawls have said about his anti-utilitarian stance.     

Deliberative policy analysis: towards a methodological orientation

ABSTRACT

Deliberative policy analysis (DPA) has become a new branch of post-positivist policy inquiry since the release of a book edited by Hajer and Wagenaar fifteen years ago. The status quo of this field, however, is not satisfactory. Particularly, there is apparent shortage of exploration on how to apply DPA to generate insights for policy making. This article undertakes a critical revisit of DPA’s development and to explore the road ahead, especially through the lens of practice. It starts with a brief review of DPA study, mainly focusing on its characteristics, suitable context, and functions. The next section discusses three challenges facing the emerging field: how to render the DPA approach more operable, the absence of “analysis,” and the lack of purposeful and designed pilot practice. It proceeds to argue that the research on DPA will likely take a methodological turn, and offers several considerations for future study: understanding and framing DPA from a practice-oriented perspective, underscoring the importance of DPA’s consulting function, taking a procedural perspective and incorporating consensus building into the process, providing organizational solutions for practicing DPA, and conducting purposeful pilot practices with prior DPA design.     

公正观念的民间认同:“叶玉珍”财产继承案分析

在法律秩序达成官方和民间（国家和社会）两个面向的分析框架下,黄宗智和张静分别从“实践”和“利益分配”的角度提出民间面向上存在的两种解释维度。本文从“叶玉珍”财产继承案出发,着重探讨公正观念的民间认同,认为在抽象原则上,官方和民间都认同“权利和义务一致”的公正观念,但在义务的具体内容上,存在个人义务与家族义务的认同冲突。由此,本文回溯历史,梳理明清以来寡妇财产继承权的变迁,进一步揭示其中所反映的公正观念在官方和民间认同上的一致与冲突,提出在民间这一面向上,“公正观念的民间认同”是以往未注意到的另一解释维度,从而试图对法律秩序的达成加入新的解释维度。     

From Subsidiarity to 'Free Choice': Child- and Elder-care Policy Reforms in France, Belgium, Germany and the Netherlands

This article analyses the patterns of reform in care policies in Bismarckian welfare systems since the early 1980s. Based on a comparison of France, Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands, the article shows that these reforms share similar logics and trajectories, which can be explained by the shared conservative and corporatist traits of Bismarckian labour markets and welfare state institutions and their impact on labour market adjustment possibilities and preferences. Indeed, we argue that care policy reforms have been very closely linked to specific employment strategies, and the politics of welfare without work and subsequent attempts to shift away from such a labour-shedding strategy go a long way in explaining both the nature and the timing of child- and elder-care policy reforms in Bismarckian welfare systems. The article also shows how a focus on promoting ‘free choice’ in all four countries has justified the introduction of measures that have simultaneously reinforced social stratification in terms of access to the labour market – meaning that some women have much more ‘free choice’ than others – and weakened certain labour market rigidities. To conclude, we argue that care policy reforms have provided a backdoor for the introduction of labour-cheapening measures and for increasing employment flexibility in otherwise very rigid labour markets.