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1.

The quincentennial year of Vasco da Gama's arrival in India, 1998, was pivotal in new efforts to reimagine and represent Portuguese national identity, as Lisbon hosted the country's first international exposition, Expo ‘98. The iconography of Da Gama and the golden age of the Portuguese maritime “Discoveries” permeated new urban development and official cultural events at the fair, calling attention to the relevance of Portugal's past to its present and future roles in emerging European and global economies, claiming special national expertise in brokering cross‐cultural exchanges, especially between Europe, Africa, and Asia, and highlighting cosmopolitan Lisbon's historic and continuing importance in such encounters. Newer liberal reinterpretations of Portuguese history were challenged by leftist and anti‐imperialist elements within Portugal, by critics in India, and by the Portuguese right wing. This controversy over historical commemoration also offered implicit commentary on the quality of Portuguese democracy, especially over how much Portugal has superseded the ideologies of the right‐wing Salazarist “New State,” which officially ended in 1974.  相似文献   

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Recent critical analyses of global land grabs have variously invoked global capitalism and neocolonialism to account for this trend. One line of inquiry approaches land grabs as instances of “primitive accumulation of capital” whereby lands in the Global South are “enclosed” and brought within the ambit of global capitalism. Another perspective invokes the history of Anglo‐American colonialism for critiquing the developmentalist discourse that depicts Africa as the “last frontier” to be tamed by the techno‐industrial civilization of the North. This essay integrates these two perspectives by elaborating capitalism as an irreducibly colonial formation with global inceptions. I begin with a discussion of “primitive accumulation” and, counter to many, question the suitability of “enclosure” for interpreting land grabs. The second section delves into the theoretical origins of primitive accumulation, proposing to situate it in a global and colonial genealogy of capitalism. A final section charts the theoretical and historical contours of this global genealogy and arrives at a more capacious reconceptualization of primitive accumulation. I conclude by reflecting on the implications of contemporary land grabs for in situ displacement, the fungibility of land, and new enclosures in the contemporary reconfiguration of global value chains.  相似文献   

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This paper is an exploration of the relations between the politics of identity and the socio‐economic and political processes of the current era of globalization. Using ethnographic material from the transnational grassroots organizations of the Garinagu—an Afro‐Indigenous population living in transnational communities between Central America and the US—I show the multiple ways that they articulate their identity between and among the tropes of “autocthony,” “blackness,” “Hispanic,” “diaspora,” and “nation.” This construction and negotiation of identity is intimately connected to the negotiation of rights vis‐à‐vis nation‐states and international political bodies, where ideologies of race, ethnicity, nation, and citizenship carry with them different implications for rights and belonging. I argue that the complexities of this case point to the uneven processes of globalization, within which the power to define the ideological terrain of economic and political struggles is still profoundly unequal.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

In September 2015, the Japanese government announced its first national action plan (NAP) to implement UN Security Council Resolution 1325, just ten days after forcefully legislating controversial security bills that would effectively lift the constitutional restrictions on overseas exercise of military force. Why did the conservative administration embrace Resolution 1325 while propelling militarization? This paper examines the formulation process of Japan’s NAP, focusing on gendered struggle over remilitarization and war memory, especially that of the “comfort women,” or Japanese imperial military sexual slavery during World War II. I will examine how post–Cold War remilitarization in Japan was closely intertwined with the struggle over war memory and the gender order of the nation, and how the conservative administration embraced international gender equality norms in an attempt to identify itself as a powerful liberal democracy engaged in maintaining the international security order, and to erase the memory of imperial military sexual violence in the past. By doing so, I attempt to critically reconsider the framework of the UN Women, Peace and Security agenda, which constructs powerful developed nations “not in conflict” as innocent supporters of women in conflict zones.  相似文献   

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This paper discusses the incapacity of the Portuguese Estado Novo to successfully decolonise its territories in southern Africa, especially Angola and Mozambique. More precisely, what I will analyse is the failure of the policy of autonomy for the colonies promoted by Portugal’s Prime Minister Marcelo Caetano between 1968 and 1974. As such, I will first analyse the Portuguese colonial administration’s reform process carried out by Marcelo Caetano, under its policy of “progressive autonomy and participation” of the colonies. Then, I will discuss the limits of this policy of autonomy and the brewing of strong tensions within the Portuguese regime. Finally, I will make a few remarks about the blockade of Marcelo Caetano’s government, which resulted in the fall of the dictatorship on April 25, 1974  相似文献   

8.
《Journal of Socio》1998,27(4):535-555
Max Weber's economic sociology is usually associated with The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1904–1905), but in this paper I show that what Weber himself called his “Wirtschaftssoziologie”, or economic sociology, looked quite different and was something that he developed during the last year of his life, 1919–1920. I present and outline Weber's (later) economic sociology and pay particular attention to his ideas of “economic (social) action” and of the three different forms of capitalism (rational capitalism, political capitalism and traditional capitalism). I also show that to Weber, economic sociology was part of a more general science of economics that he often referred to as “social economics” (“Sozialökonomik”). The paper ends with a comparison between the paradigm of economic sociology, which can be found in the work of Max Weber, and the paradigm of what is known as New Economic Sociology.  相似文献   

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Abstract

This essay reflects on Robert W. Cox's work on global production, labour, and labour governance, and considers how his insights might illuminate the present conjuncture for labour in production. I work with an understanding of that conjuncture as involving the rise to pre-eminence of global production networks (GPNs) and global value chains (GVCs) as the contemporary expression of the ongoing globalization of production. The primary tasks of the essay are twofold: first, to explore the dynamics of labour and power in the GVC-based global economy, with a particular emphasis on labour exploitation; and second, to link these questions to those of the governance of the global economy, focusing on the shift towards transnational private governance as the dominant mode of contemporary governance, and on the evolving strategies of organized labour and the International Labour Organization in that context.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

How to theorize the nation’s Janus-like form, its simultaneous modernity and antiquity? This paper provides an original answer to this longstanding question. It argues that nations arise from the interaction of ‘societal multiplicity’ and the expansionist tendency of historical capitalism. The emergence of capitalism super-adds a modern inflection to the inherently relational process of collective identity formation by generating modern sovereignty as an abstract form of rule. Crucially however, just like its emergence, capitalism’s expansion also refracts through societal multiplicity. Non-capitalist societies are therefore pressured into ‘nationalist’ projects of emulative self-preservation in which the nation’s political form (i.e. the sovereign state) is forged before its sociological content (i.e. primitive accumulation). Thus, the original site of this process, France, produced the modular nation-form that unlike Britain’s imperial nationhood could be globalized. The paper therefore shows that IR’s premise of multiplicity may be the key to one of social sciences’ most enduring puzzles.  相似文献   

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Abstract

This article examines a key aspect of American sports history within a transnational context. Whilst the internal histories of American sport are exceedingly rich and voluminous, our general understanding of the nation’s contribution to the international, global scene is less well-known. The postcolonial rivalries between American and British sports communities fuelled the development of what became open, international cup competitions in such sports as tennis and golf which bolstered an emerging global industry in the first half of the twentieth century. The transnational process of initial American imitation and absorption of British models have been well documented within the scholarly literature and debates in American Studies for decades; however, the gradual reversal of this imitative process to a more reciprocal relationship has received far less attention (especially within sports history). The authors show how the Davis Cup competition is an example of the way in which Americans indigenised a cultural sporting import, namely tennis; created a nationalistic, international sporting competition; and effectively exported it back to Britain within the wider context of a burgeoning, imperial rivalry on the world stage between these two, rival sporting nations. This process not only expanded the worldwide consumption of sport but spreads a spirit of cultural emulation within twentieth-century global consumer culture. This transnational perspective also illuminates the thorough de-provincialising of the notion of “American Exceptionalism” within the field. When, for example, the respective imperial histories of the two nations are considered comparatively, the “American” story does not look so “exceptional” after all. Though American exceptionalism adapted some British sports to suit American sensibilities, the sporting cultures of the two nations and within their zones of influence remained similar in many respects. This was particularly true in amateur sports such as tennis, rowing and track and field (athletics to the Brits) as well as in the sport of golf. In the twentieth century, many sports adapted as focus shifted from nationalism and national worth towards professionalism and international spectacle.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

This essay considers discourses of waste that include humans among the objects of discard: surplus/disposable populations in the Marxian tradition, or what Zygmunt Bauman has called “human waste.” Notions of “surplus people” have a long history in South Africa, and this essay traces a genealogy of their narrative and cultural forms. These forms can alternately mask and expose the “indispensable dispensab[ility]” of vulnerable communities treated as waste: devastated, depleted, discarded, disregarded. I situate the blockbuster film District 9 within a longer tradition of documenting the plight of people who recognise that they have been “thrown away,” in texts by Solomon T. Plaatje, Cosmas Desmond, Nadine Gordimer, and others. Attending to questions of geographic and temporal scale, I read between the historical example of South African apartheid and “global apartheid” as shorthand for the stratifications effected by neoliberal globalisation. How do these formations attend to the ideological violence, racial specificity, and enforced invisibility of surplus? This exclusion from the polity works through acts of un-imagining: in moments of crisis when they are pushed to the brink, the poor may have no recourse to the ethical and political grounds upon which they might claim the right to survival.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

This article examines the relationship between architectural transformations and the reshaping of memory in post-imperial urban space. It reflects on two forms of symbolic violence: first, iconoclastic acts of reshaping space to reflect national self-determination and moving away from empire, and second, acts that embody the recovery of imperial legacies. It analyzes the recent restoration of the Habsburg-built Alba Iulia citadel in the eve of Romania’s Centennial celebrations of the 1918 Alba Iulia assembly which proclaimed the unification of Transylvania with Romania. It interrogates the intentionality of architectural transformations and how this heritage project expresses the frictions between memory narratives centred on the nation and forms of imperial duress and nostalgia. It traces how the after-lives of empire materialize in the built environment, as they do in the attitudes and yearnings of the cultural elite. Moreover, it reflects on parallels between European post-imperial and Global South post-colonial nation-building.  相似文献   

14.
Drawing on ethnographic research among Russian women traders or “shuttle traders” (chelnoki), I examine discourses on shame as a type of emotion work and consider links to ideal gender roles among Russian women entrepreneurs. In a post-Soviet era increasingly shaped by transnational mobility, as well as by a persistent legacy of Soviet sensibilities, a focus on emotion among women traders provides an ideal lens for considering what travels between eras marked by distinct ideologies, between nation-states, and between public and domestic spaces. A discourse of shame links Soviet sensibilities of proper labor and contemporary gender sensibilities that continue to elevate men as breadwinners; thus, a focus on shame enables us to see the contradictory ways in which women are positioned in local and global economies in the 2000s. This case shows how Russian women's insertion into the global economy beginning in the early 1990s has required emotion work that is similar to that required in other locations where global capitalism has brought about reconfigurations of work lives and required people to renegotiate gender roles, expressions of power, and the meaning of labor in their lives.  相似文献   

15.
ABSTRACT

This article focuses on aspects of what is broadly known as countertransference in centering on the psychoanalyst Wilfred Bion’s explicit theory of thinking as constituting an implicit theory of desiring. I make a distinction between the discursive terms “thoughts,” “thinking,” “desires,” “desiring,” “wants,” and “craving” and tease out their relationship to one another for clinical practice. I explore how thinking and desiring operate in and around frustration and suggest that the thinking apparatus is not just a mechanism for dealing with thoughts but also is a way of transforming wants into desires. I separate out desires and the desiring apparatus, as Bion does with thoughts and thinking, and argue that thinking is inextricably linked to desiring and thoughts to desires. The interpretative act, moreover, constitutes the analyst’s acting on desire, whereas acts of projective identification are bound up with craving. I demonstrate the potential uses of this theory by discussing it with reference to two published clinical examples.  相似文献   

16.

In this article, I argue that those of us who study nationalism need to "think class as we think the nation," and I suggest a framework for exploring the relationship between class and national identities and projects. I present the case of Basque nationalism and examine how different visions of the nation either include or exclude non-Basque, working-class immigrants. I show how during the economic crisis of the 1980s to early 1990s, young people created a novel Basque identity in the bars associated with the radical-Basque-nationalist movement. This identity combines leftist and nationalist politics with the styles of punk rock, a genre that flourished in the declining centers of industrial capitalism throughout Europe and the United States. Unlike competing versions of Basqueness, radical Basque identity is not ethnically exclusive. Thus it invites youths who are not ethnically Basque to become Basque by drawing on their oppositional politics and working-class backgrounds as alternative sources of "authenticity."  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

This commentary explores conflicts and dissonances between my own views, based on cultural-historical activity theory, and three key ideas presented in the articles of this special issue, namely (a) technology as partner, (b) agency as hybridization, and (c) historicity without contradictions. I hope that the dissonances I put forward will evoke curiosity and further exploration. In his work, Naoki Ueno drew on multiple theoretical traditions. This diversity, combined with his curiosity and love of life, allowed him to be involved in the building and analysis of future-making “wildfire” alternatives to capitalism. This is a legacy that must and will gain momentum.  相似文献   

18.
ABSTRACT

In this paper I develop a theoretical approach that rehabilitates identity as a political and interpretive, not essentialist, category. To this end, I explore versions of feminist standpoint theory developed by Nancy Hartsock and Alison Jaggar. While these versions of standpoint theory have marked the significance of experience and knowledge for feminist practice, their conception of subjectivity is too unified and, therefore, creates problems for addressing the epistemological implications of “difference.” For this approach to feminist subjectivity, power relations of race, class, and nation are “differences” which are viewed as threatening endless fragmentation or promising plurality. Alternatively, following Norma Alarcon's theory of multiple-voiced subjectivity, I argue that relations of power produce complex subjectivities situated within multiple, intersecting axes of power: race, class, sex, gender, nation. These relations of power mark the terrain of experience as an interpretive field for the production of knowledge and collective identity. This approach shifts the interpretation of experience and knowledge from a paradigm of essentialism, fragmentation, and pluralist difference to a paradigm of accountability and coalition.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

While the new economic globalization provides the overarching context for human development, the influence of political economy on personal values, beliefs, and behaviors is not usually directly addressed in the HBSE texts and coursework. Making the connections between the dimly visible structures of global capitalism and the lives of students and clients in the U.S. is challenging. This paper makes a case for the inclusion of content on globalization in HBSE and presents two dynamic “experiments” aimed at increasing student insight into the political and economic roots of human behavior in Western society.  相似文献   

20.
Abstract

In his oeuvre the nineteenth-century American author Herman Melville engages critically with the role of narrative taxonomies in imperial praxis, particularly as they relate to his own country's emergence as imperial nation. The relativising influence of Melville's years at sea is an important factor in shaping the ontologically indeterminate and anti-teleological character of his narratives, which both critically and parodically recall the ways in which narrative representations serve imperial ends by bridging or overwriting epistemological lacunae. Melville's lectures ‘On Traveling’ and ‘The South Seas’ provide a useful introduction to his countervailing perspective: the former, by delineating a mode of travelling that remains open to that which is other; the latter by considering critically the introduction of the Pacific into Western historiography by means of several acts of misnaming and symbolic appropriation. Melville highlights the self-deconstructive nature of such acts, yet also shows a keen understanding of how nominal appropriation and exotic refiguration foreground and enable colonisation. This recognition informs Melville's first prose fiction, Typee, in which he launches a two-pronged critique of imperialism: by his first person narrator's polemic against missionary and naval activity in the Marquesas, but also, more tellingly, by exposing this narrator's own acts of misrepresentation, which suggest a deeper complicity in the discourse of empire.  相似文献   

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