Conspiracy beliefs about HIV/AIDS and birth control among African Americans: implications for the prevention of HIV, other STIs, and unintended pregnancy

In this article, we examine the potential role that conspiracy beliefs regarding HIV/AIDS (e.g., "HIV is a manmade virus") and birth control (e.g., "The government is trying to limit the Black population by encouraging the use of condoms") play in the prevention of HIV, other STIs, and unintended pregnancies among African Americans in the United States. First, we review prior research indicating that substantial percentages of African Americans endorse conspiracy beliefs about HIV/AIDS and birth control. Next, we present a theoretical framework that suggests how conspiracy beliefs influence sexual behavior and attitudes. We then offer several recommendations for future research. Finally, we discuss the policy and programmatic implications of conspiracy beliefs for the prevention of HIV, other STIs, and unintended pregnancy .     

Reinforcing Stereotypes? Race and Local Television News Coverage of Congress*

Objective. Despite the increasingly diverse legislative records of African‐American members of Congress, much of the population continues to believe that African‐American legislators are interested only in minority issues. If African‐American House members are becoming more like their nonblack colleagues, then why do many citizens continue to hold these stereotypes about African‐American legislators? Methods. We examine local television news coverage of House members and compare the coverage received by African‐American and nonblack incumbents. Results. We find that local television newscasts devote more coverage to African‐American members of Congress but this coverage is also more race oriented, especially in less diverse markets. In fact, local television stations produce more race‐oriented coverage of African‐American legislators regardless of their legislative records on minority issues. Conclusions. Local television news stations may be partially responsible for the prevailing stereotype of African‐American House members who are narrowly focused on race‐oriented issues.     

Cholera revolts: a class struggle we may not like

Few have studied cholera revolts comparatively, and certainly not over the vast terrain from Asiatic Russia to Quebec or across time from the first European cholera wave of the 1830s to the twentieth century. Scholars have instead concentrated on the first European cholera wave in the 1830s and have tended to explain cholera’s social violence within the political contexts of individual nations, despite these riots raging across vast differences in political landscapes from Czarist Russia to New York City but with similar fears and conspiracy theories of elites inventing cholera to cull populations of the poor. Moreover, the history of cholera’s social toxins runs against present generalizations on why epidemics spawn blame and violence against others. Cholera riots continued, and in Italy and Russia became geographically more widespread, vicious, and destructive long after the disease had lost its mystery. The article then poses the question of why historians on the left have not studied the class struggles provoked by cholera, with riots of 10,000, murdering state officials and doctors, destroying hospitals, town halls, and in the case of Donetsk, an entire city. Finally, the article draws parallels between Europe’s cholera experiences and those in West Africa with Ebola in 2014.     

Connecting with Sara: Facilitating attachment

This paper investigates the value and meaning of the attachment that forms within the therapeutic relationship. It follows the progress of a now 53‐month‐old African American homeless child as she is given the opportunity to form a human attachment through the use of Attachment and Object Relations theories. This paper integrates the work of developmental, attachment, and object relations theorists such as Mahler, Stern, Bowlby, Greenspan, Winnicott, and Fonegy. The child's story is illustrated through the use of documented history as told by the mother to the therapist and through clinical material from the child's therapeutic sessions.

This paper also examines what it means to be a culturally competent and responsible social worker. Research into parenting practices, beliefs, and skills among homeless, African American single women is discussed and integrated into a theory of practice.     

Pretrial Predictors of Judgments in the O. J. Simpson Case

Five hundred seventy-eight community college and four-year state university students responded to questionnaires designed to assess judgments regarding O. J. Simpson's guilt, beliefs surrounding the case, general attitudes, and background information. Although African Americans were more likely to perceive Simpson as innocent than non–African Americans, correlation analyses revealed that, for the most part, the same predictors explained African Americans' and non–African American's judgments of guilt. Finally, set-wise hierarchical regression analyses indicated that case-related beliefs that Simpson abused Nicole Brown Simpson and that the system was biased against him accounted for more significant incremental variance than did demographic variables such as age and ethnicity, personal experiences, and general attitudes. The results suggested that the racial polarization emphasized in public polls does not reflect the diversity of beliefs that existed within both African American and European American populations.     

普通法权限中的宪法解释

普通法发源于英国,但法学体系中的宪法解释学却是在美国起源并在普通法体系中发展到最高水平的。美国的宪法司法审查实践引发了三个紧密联系的问题,即法官宣告由民主选举产生的立法机构(包括国会和州立法机构)制定的法律无效是否合法,法官如何解释宪法,法官如何发挥能动性从而在审查立法行为时能做到多大程度的自我控制。通过分析可知,司法审查的合法性正在得到国际社会的广泛认可,并且目前也存在着许多解释宪法的理论、方法和方式,而对于司法能动性适合于何种情况却仍然是美国宪法辩论的中心问题。     

Ethnic Differences in the Effects of Parental Depression on Preschool Children's Socioemotional Functioning

The present study describes the depressive symptomatology of 393 parents of prekindergarten children and assesses ethnic differences in the depression scores of these parents and their differential consequences for children's social competence. Data are drawn from the National Center for Early Development and Learning (NCEDL) classroom study, a national, longitudinal study examining the quality and outcomes of prekindergarten programs operated in schools or under the direction of state and local educational agencies, and the supplemental NCEDL familial and social environments study. Analyses indicated that Latino parents were more likely than African‐American and White parents to be depressed. However, as reported by both parents and teachers, behavioral outcomes for African‐American children of parents with elevated depressive symptomatology were worse than children of their Latino and White counterparts. Interactions between ethnicity and depressive symptomatology emerged in the parent‐child relationship, with African‐American parents with elevated depressive symptoms reporting significantly greater levels of conflict in the parent–child relationship than their non‐depressed counterparts. African‐American parents with elevated depression scores were also less likely to be in marital relationships than their non‐depressed counterparts. Among African‐American families, parent–child conflict served as a mediator of the effects of parental depression on child outcomes. Implications for intervention are discussed.     

Diversifying Conspiracy Beliefs and Populist Ideologies in the Chinese Context

While previous research suggests that conspiratorial reasoning and populist ideology often walk hand-in-hand, this study explores their correlations by considering their internal heterogeneity in the sociopolitical context of China. Through an online survey (N = 807), the present investigation identifies two subtypes of populism (right- vs. responsibility-oriented), alongside two subtypes of conspiracy beliefs (pro-system vs. anti-system), and examines the associations between them. The results demonstrate that while China's right-oriented populism is positively correlated with anti-system conspiratorial beliefs, it has no significant correlations with pro-system conspiracy thinking. Responsibility-driven populism, however, is positively correlated with pro-system conspiratorial mindsets, and negatively correlated with anti-system conspiratorial beliefs. This study moves away from viewing populism and conspiracy belief as homogeneous concepts, providing an often-neglected Chinese context for these political–psychological ideations.     

Within salvation: girl hawkers and the colonial state in development era Lagos

For almost two decades between the close of the Second World War and Nigerian independence in 1960, the British colonial state which faced a crisis of legitimacy in Lagos upheld city ordinances that made itinerant trading by young children in Lagos a punishable status offense. Although anti-trading regulations were gender-neutral in their language, girls were disproportionately sanctioned for engaging in street trading and related activities. In defending their concentration on girl sellers over boy sellers, colonial welfare officials painted a picture of the urban context as an inherently dangerous context and of girls as being particularly at risk of violent assault in the city, making them particularly in need of protection from town life. Sources which show that parents generally resisted or ignored the street trading regulations and continued permitting their daughters to sell despite entreaties, warnings, or fines from colonial officials, suggest that African parents and British colonial officials may have had conflicting views on the inherent danger of the city, on what constituted child endangerment, and on the gendered nature of childhood. This article argues that the girl saving campaigns of development era Lagos were as much about the legitimization of a colonial state facing a crisis of legitimacy as they were about debates between African parents and colonial welfare officials in Lagos concerning ideas of children and childhood and the dangers of street trading by African girls.     

“Like Two Musketeers”: Socialization beliefs about toddler's friendships among Dominican,Mexican, and African American mothers

Parental ethnotheories shape socialization beliefs around childrearing more broadly, and children's friendships more specifically. While prior work has examined aspects of parental socialization of friendships among school-aged children and adolescents, no studies have examined beliefs held around the function of friendships among ethnically diverse mothers of toddlers from low-socioeconomic contexts. Toddlerhood marks a point in development when the concept of “friendship” gains impact and relevance due to leaps in children's social, cognitive, and motor skills, as well as children's increasing access to contexts where they organically encounter peers. Toddlerhood is also a time when caregivers may initially consider the influence of peers on their children, beliefs that could eventually guide and shift how they navigate socialization practices around friendship. In the present study, we document U.S. Dominican American, African American, and Mexican American mothers’ socialization beliefs around functions of friendship for their 2-year-old children. We found that mothers emphasized a variety of friendship functions, including learning of social skills and morality, and communicating and experiencing emotions. A majority of mothers viewed their children's friendships as unidirectional, and framed their children as undiscerning in their engagement with social information from peers. Findings are discussed in relation to mothers’ orientation to children and “childhood” via cultural and developmental beliefs.     

European‐American and African‐American Mothers' Emotion Socialization Practices Relate Differently to Their Children's Academic and Social‐emotional Competence

The current study examines whether the relation between mothers' responses to their children's negative emotions and teachers' reports of children's academic performance and social‐emotional competence are similar or different for European‐American and African‐American families. Two hundred mothers (137 European‐American, 63 African‐American) reported on their responses to their five‐year‐old children's negative emotions and 150 kindergarten teachers reported on these children's current academic standing and skillfulness with peers. Problem‐focused responses to children's negative emotions, which have traditionally been considered a supportive response, were positively associated with children's school competence for European‐American children, but expressive encouragement, another response considered supportive, was negatively associated with children's competence for African‐American children. The findings highlight the need to examine parental socialization practices from a culturally specific lens.     

Aren't they just black kids? Biracial children in the child welfare system

In the USA, African‐American children are overrepresented in the child welfare system. However, little is known about the child welfare system experiences of biracial children, who are predominately both White and African‐American. To better understand this population, data from public child welfare in a US county were used to examine biracial children in the child welfare system. Results showed significant racial differences between children in the child welfare system. Despite the common belief that biracial children will have experiences similar to African‐American children, the child welfare system seems to view them differently. Biracial children are more likely to be referred, rated as high risk and investigated compared with White or African‐American children. Their mothers were younger, and were more often assessed as having physical, intellectual or emotional problems. These caregivers were also considered to have lower parenting skills and knowledge compared with White or African‐American caregivers. Although the disproportionate representation of African‐American children in the system has been well documented, this study provides evidence that biracial children are also overrepresented. Despite the fact that this is a rapidly growing population in the USA, there is little research available about biracial children and their families.     

The Continuing Consequences of Segregation: Family Stress and College Academic Performance*

Objectives. We seek to determine whether the high levels of African‐American residential segregation experienced have continuing academic consequences. Because segregation works to concentrate poverty and the social problems associated with it, the friends and relatives of African‐American students face an elevated risk of stressful life events, which undermine grade performance. Methods. We use data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Freshmen to measure the frequency with which members of students' social networks experienced stressful events during their freshman and sophomore years of college, comparing whites, Asians, Latinos, and African Americans from integrated neighborhoods with those coming from segregated neighborhoods. Results. African‐American students from segregated neighborhoods experience higher levels of family stress than others. This stress is largely a function of violence and disorder in segregated neighborhoods. Students respond by devoting more time to family issues and their health and grades suffer as a result. Conclusions. Racial segregation is a structural feature of U.S. society that has continuing power to undermine the academic achievement of students long after they have seemingly left segregated living behind.     

Culture Wars in State Education Policy: A Look at the Relative Treatment of Evolutionary Theory in State Science Standards*

Objectives. Students of public policy have recognized that not all policies are completely or mostly shaped by socioeconomic factors. Some policies, known as morality policies, derive from the deeply held values and beliefs of effective participants in the policy‐making process. To better understand this distinct policy category and where it exists, policy analysts must test for the impact of both socioeconomic forces and explanatory factors developed in morality politics theory (particularly religious contexts). This study attempts to explain differences in state science education standards with regard to stipulated instruction in evolutionary theory as morality policy. Methods. A cross‐sectional study of the American states employing ordinary least squares and logistic regression analysis assesses the impact of popular evangelical adherence over the presence of evolution‐friendly state science standards, ceteris paribus. Results. Socioeconomic factors inadequately explain the variation in state science standards. Furthermore, these standards are morality policies with clearly defined religious implications and are better explained by state religious divisions than by other cultural forces such as state ideological context. Conclusion. This study demonstrates that some policies have clear implications for religious beliefs and may represent a subcategory of morality policy. These kinds of policies are better explained by religious contexts than other political and cultural determinants of morality policies.     

"The law has no feeling for poor folks like us!" Everyday responses to legal compulsion in England's working-class communities, 1871-1904

During the late Victorian period, the role of the state increased dramatically in England's working-class urban communities. New laws on labor, health, and education, enforced by a growing bureaucracy of elected and appointed officials, extended the reach of public authority into daily life on an unprecedented scale. Everyday negotiations between these officials and working-class men and women, I argue, were key moments for determining the practical impact of new social welfare policies. This was particularly true in the contestation over children's compulsory school attendance, as I demonstrate through a close examination of the daily encounters between parents and education officials. Despite the growing size and authority of the Victorian state, working-class parents effectively mitigated the impact of the compulsory education laws on their families. They were able to do so because the categories that governed the level of enforcement—age, household economic status, health, and labor—were themselves determined through daily dialogues between parents and education officials. Parents' familiarity with the law and with the dynamics of the public education bureaucracy were key factors in these negotiations, as were internal fractures within the Victorian state itself. Working-class parents, and mothers in particular, also countered officials' moral policy justifications with their own discourse of right and wrong, which focused on the legitimacy of parental authority, an insistence on just treatment, and the elevation of household needs over the laws' requirements.     

Benefit ‘Myths’? The Accuracy and Inaccuracy of Public Beliefs about the Benefits System

There is a widespread assumption by academics and commentators that negative public attitudes to the benefits system are due to ‘myths’ held by the British public. However, there is little research on whether the public believe these ‘myths’, nor critical scrutiny of benefit ‘truths’. This article therefore investigates what British people believe about the benefits system, and the extent to which these beliefs can be regarded as correct. To do this, we use 46 measures from 18 datasets (including British Social Attitudes, the European Social Survey, Eurobarometer, and surveys by YouGov and Ipsos MORI made available for academic study for the first time), and compare these perceptions to true figures obtained from a variety of sources. We find that – against expectations – there are some areas where the public are (on average) relatively accurate (e.g. the share of the population who currently claim out‐of‐work benefits). Yet overall, our evidence shows that the British public have low levels of understanding of the benefits system, primarily in ways that seem likely to undermine public support. People wildly overestimate unemployment benefits compared to pensions, the value of unemployment benefits, and misperceive trends in claims. While it is difficult to know the true level of benefit fraud exactly, the public overestimate fraud compared to any reasonable figure. We conclude by discussing the implications for both understanding and changing attitudes towards benefits.     

Teacher‐Student Racial Congruence,Teacher Perceptions,and Test Performance*

Objective. This research explores the seldom‐addressed question of whether teacher‐student racial congruence conditions the impact of teacher perceptions on performance. Methods. Multipopulation LISREL models (utilizing data from the NELS) compare the effect of white teachers' perceptions on African‐American standardized test performance to the corresponding effect among white students. Parallel models compare the impact of African‐American teacher perceptions across races. Preliminary models gauge whether the match/mismatch of teacher's and student's race shapes teacher perceptions of African‐American and white students. Results. The impact of teachers' perceptions on test performance shows signs of being especially pronounced in the racially dissonant white teacher‐black student context—the very context where teacher perceptions seem especially likely to be unfavorable. Conclusions. This research provides new insight on the relevance of teacher perceptions to the black‐white performance gap. Racial congruence seems primarily consequential to African‐American test performance—shaping both teacher perceptions and (somewhat less so) the impact of such perceptions on performance.